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Full citation: 

Johnson, Charles (pseudonym). 1724. A General History of the Pyrates: from their first rise and settlement in the Island of Providence, to the present time. With the remarkable actions and adventures of the two female pyrates Mary Read and Anne Bonny ... To which is added. A short abstract of the statute and civil law, in relation to pyracy. London: T. Warner.

Publication summary: 

A presentation and analysis of material related to Anne Bonny and Mary Read in the General History of the Pyrates, with additional material from journalistic and legal records.

Contents summary: 

I was inspired to tackle this set of material because of the flood of sapphic “pirate romances,” many of which are reworkings of the myth (and I use “myth” advisedly) of Anne Bonny and Mary Read, while others spin off from the Hollywood version of the broader myths of the Golden Age of Piracy derived from the anonymously authored General History of the Pirates. As often happens, I was curious to know the original primary source materials that set these myths in motion. Moreover, I was curious to try to determine what parts of that source material might have any basis in fact.

It is, perhaps, a misnomer to refer to the stories about Anne Bonny and Mary Read in the General History as a “primary” source, as it is generally assessed by historians to be highly fictionalized. The documents closest to direct witness accounts have far less detail and no mention at all of the lives of Bonny and Read prior to their being declared pirates and their subsequent capture and trial. But as the General History is the sole source of the assertion that the two women had a sapphic encounter, it’s necessary to place it in context, both among the contemporary and near-contemporary documents, and among the tropes and motifs concerning passing women in military and naval occupations.

In putting together this discussion, I’m deeply indebted to the work of Jillian Molenaar, who blogs about the ways in which stories about Jack Rackham, Anne Bonny, and Mary Read have evolved and been adapted in popular culture. She did the legwork of tracking down and documenting references to the activities, arrest, and trial of these three that were recorded before the waters were muddied by mythologization. You can find her website at https://jillianmolenaar.home.blog/.

That mythologized version of Bonney and Read’s biographies first appears in the 1724 publication A General History of the Pyrates: from their first rise and settlement in the Island of Providence, to the present time. With the remarkable actions and adventures of the two female pyrates Mary Read and Anne Bonny ... To which is added. A short abstract of the statute and civil law, in relation to pyracy, hereafter shortened to General History. [Note: “The Island of Providence” is New Providence Island in the Bahamas. The text I’ve used is the second edition, available from archive.org at https://archive.org/details/generalhistoryof00defo, accessed 2025/07/09] The book’s authorship is given as Captain Charles Johnson but this is generally considered to be a pseudonym. One theory attributes authorship to novelist Daniel Defoe, although there are other completing theories. I’ll refer to the author as “Johnson” but it should always be understood to involve scare-quotes.

I haven’t found a specific publication date for the first edition of the General History but the second (expanded) edition was published on 5/14/1724. As the first edition cites the same publication year, and as England was still using the Julian calendar at the time, with the year beginning on March 25, then the first edition could have been published no earlier than March. Given the volume of additional material included in the second edition, it might make sense to allow for the maximum time between the editions and consider March 1724 the most likely date.

The General History, despite its superficial format as a collection of biographies, is an inventive literary work rather than a reliable historic record, which is problematic, given that it more or less singlehandedly created the popular image of the “golden age of piracy” that continues to dominate popular culture today. The publication covers 35 individuals, three of whom are considered to be entirely invented. Bonney and Read are the only women included in the list.

If I’m interpreting the information correctly, the material in Volume 1 of the second edition is the original work, while Volume 2 of the second edition contains the new material added when the work was reprinted later the same year. The book was enormously popular, and was reprinted multiple times with further expansions of the material in the next several years.

Before considering the version of Bonny and Read’s stories in the General History, let’s examine earlier documentary material, to have a sense of what Johnson—and we’ll use that name for the author for convenience—might have been working from. The majority of this material is sourced from Jillian Molenaar’s website, which includes photocopies of the original documents and transcripts of their contents. I’ll primarily be including the material referencing Read or Bonney, but also occasionally material that only references Rackham.

An important aspect of understanding these records is the significant lag-time in communication. Information traveled to newspapers in London and American cities such as Philadelphia and Boston at the speed of sailing ships and, as we’ll see, was often reported in the context of noting recently arrived vessels which we may assume were the source of the news, whether printed or verbal. Based on the dates of the events and newspaper articles, it appears that it took about six weeks for news to make it to New England, and four months to reach London. For this reason, the following will be organized by the date of the events being reported, not the date of the published report.

September 4, 1720

An item in The Boston Gazette dated October 17, 1720 reports:

“New-Providence, Sept. 4th. Several Pirates are on the Coast of the Bahamas, among which is one Rackum who Run away with a Sloop of 6 Guns, and took with him 12 Men, and Two Women….”

[Note: See the discussion of crew members below for various conflicts in the numbers.]

September 5, 1720

A second item The Boston Gazette also dated October 17, 1720 describes the official response:

“Whereas: John Rackum, George Featherstone, John Davis, Andrew Gibson, John Howell, Noah Patrick–&c. and two Women, by Name, Ann Fulford alias Bonny, & Mary Read, did on the 22d of August last combine together to enter on board, take, steal and run-away with out of this Road of Providence, a Certain Sloop call’d the William, Burthen about 12 Tons, mounted with 4 great Guns and 2 Swivel ones, also Amunition, Sails, Rigging, Anchor, Cables, and a Canoe, owned by and belonging to Capt. John Ham, and with the said Sloop did proceed to commit Robery and Piracy upon the Boat and Effects of James Gohier Esq; on the South side of this Island, also upon Capt. Isaac’s Master of a Sloop riding at Berry-Islands in his Way from South-Carolina to this Port: Wherefore these are to Publish and make Known to all Persons Whatsoever, that the said John Rackum and his said Company are hereby proclaimed Pirates and Enemies to the Crown of Great-Brittain, and are to be so treated and Deem’d by all his Majesty’s Subjects. Given at Nassau, this 5th of September, 1720. Sign’d Woodes Rogers.”

[Note: From the very first, it’s clear that the presence of the women was considered newsworthy. While only a partial list of the male crew is given, the two women are specifically named and called out. This isn’t surprising, but it provides context for there being significant public hunger for more information about them.]

October 31, 1720

On October 31, 1720 the Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica recorded:

“Last night I received the agreeable news, that captain Barnet had taken Rackam the pirate, and eighteen of his crew, and had put them ashore at the leeward part of the island, from whence they are coming up by land under a strong guard.”

The context of transmission of news like this is illustrated by an item in The American Weekly Mercury (a Philadelphia paper [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Andrew_Bradford]) dated December 8, 1720 which first lists the arriving ships and captains from various ports, then notes that news had arrived from Jamaica about the capture of Rackham and his crew “which consisted of 26 Men and two Women, who were all carried into Jamaica.” At the time news of the capture was published in Philadelphia, the trials and executions had already taken place.

Multiple other news items mention the taking of Rackham and his crew and their fate without noting the presence of women (either in general or by name). One item in The Daily Post (location unknown) dated January 13, 1721 lists “a Pyrate Sloop, commanded by one Rackham of Jamaica, having on board 14 Men.” An item in The London Journal dated January 14, 1721 is more gender-neutral listing “fourteen Hands on board.”

[Note: As can be seen in these items, the size of Rackham’s crew was reported in extremely variable terms. See the discussion below about the crew size.]

November 16, 1720

An official pamphlet published in 1721 gives details of the piracy trials and their results. As is typical for the era, it has an exceedingly long title, which I’ll condense to The Tryals of Captain John Rackham, and other Pirates ... As Also, the Tryals of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, alias Bonn ... Also, a True Copy of the Act of Parliament made for the more effectual suppression of Piracy. [Note: Once again, Bonny and Read are called out specifically, reflecting the public interest in their inclusion.] While Rackham’s trial is given prominence in the title, a whole sequence of piracy trials are recorded in this document, reflecting unrelated crews. The last trial date included is the subsequent March 22. The publication itself doesn’t have a more specific date than the year, but the copy held by the National Library of Jamaica and preserved at archive.org (https://archive.org/details/the-tryals-of-captain-john-rackham) has a series of handwritten notes at the end, which I read (with difficulty) as the following:

“Jamaica. The Tryals of several Pyrates at Jamaica in Nov. {??} 1720. Received with {dir} Nicholas La{w’ letter} of 12th June 1721”

“Rec’d August 14th. Read Ditto 17th 1721”

“Q.4.”

At any rate, this narrows the publication date down to sometime between March 22 and June 12, 1721. So let’s split the difference and say “May.”

The first part of the report is headed “November the 16th, 1720” and is a formal report of court proceedings. It lists the individuals present at the Court of Admiralty, has the text of a royal commission with respect to suppressing piracy, and then moves on to the trial of nine defendants, including “John Rackam” but not including either Anne Bonney or Mary Read. Rackham and seven others were described as being from “the island of Providence in America” while the remaining man was from Philadelphia. [Note: “The island of Providence in America” is, as above, New Providence, Bahamas. Obviously at this date “America” was not yet a reference to the United States of America, but simply a reference to the New World in general.] There follow detailed accounts of specific attacks on other ships made by the crew. The defendants all pled Not Guilty, after which witnesses were deposed who gave detailed eye-witness accounts of the attacks and identified the defendants as having taken part. All nine were judged guilty and sentenced to be hanged.

November 17, 1720

The record continues with a new dateline for the trial of two additional men with a single charge (from the list in the previous Rackham trial) made against them. (Presumably this is the reason for trying them separately: that they were only involved in one charge.) They pled Not Guilty, witnesses were deposed, the defendants were judged guilty and sentenced to hang.

November 18, 1720

The record continues under this date to record the execution of five men, including Rackham, and then on the following day (November 19) the other four men from the first trial, and on “Monday following” (Nov. 21) the execution of the two men from the second trial. (The “day of the week” calculator at https://aulis.org/Calendar/Day_of_the_Week.html using the “Old Style” calculator applying to dates before 1752, gives November 19, 1720 as a Saturday, therefore the “Monday following” would be the 21st. I suppose it makes sense to skip doing executions on a Sunday.)

Note: As the initial capture reports indicated that 12 men and 2 women were taken, but the trial only involved 11 men, one possible conclusion is that one of the men (Andrew Gibson) died prior to trial, but none of the documents I reviewed has any mention of this.

November 22, 1720

The periodical The Post Boy (published in London, England) reported on March 28, 1721, the results of the initial trials listing 11 men (including Jack Rackham) as having been convicted of piracy and hanged. The trial results had a dateline of November 22 [1720] from San Iago de la Vega in Jamaica. There is no mention in this item of Bonney or Read. This is far too soon for receipt in London of the published trial record, but if we assume that the news started to travel after Rackham’s sentencing and before the Bonney/Read trial, we can narrowly estimate a news travel time of about four months. Multiple news reports of the trial and executions in various publications at this time list only Rackham by name, or may add the names of some other men.

November 28, 1720

Returning to the trial report, there is a new section datelined November 28, 1720 for the trial of “Mary Read” and “Ann Bonny, alias Bonn.” Once again, the commissioners are named, the defendants are listed, and then the charges are listed. In this case, I’ll provide a complete transcript of the charges.

“I. That they, the said Mary Read, and Ann Bonny, alias Bonn, and each of them, on the first Day of September, in the Seventh Year of the Reign of Our said Lord the King, that now is, upon the High Sea, in a certain Sloop of an unknown Name, being; did feloniously and wickedly, consult, and agree together, and to and with, John Rackam, George Fetherston, Richard Corner, John Davies, John Howell, Patrick Carty, Thomas Earl, and Noah Harwood, to rob, plunder, and take, all such Persons, as well Subjects of Our said Lord the King, that now is, as others, in Peace and Amity with His said Majesty, which they should meet with on the high Sea; and in Execution of their said Evil Designs, afterwards (to wit) on the Third Day of September, in the Year last mentioned, with Force and Arms, Etc. upon the high Sea, in a certain Place, distant about Two Leagues from Harbour-Island in America, and within the Jurisdiction of this Court, did piratically, feloniously, and in a hostile manner, attack, engage, and take, Seven certain Fishing-Boats, then being, Boats of certain Persons, Subjects of our said now Lord the King, (to the  Register aforesaid unknown) and then and there, Piratically, and Feloniously, did make an Assault, in and upon, certain Fishermen, Subjects of our said Lord the King, (whose Names to the Register aforesaid are unknown) in the same Fishing-Boats, in the peace of God, and of our said now Lord the King, then and there being, and then and there, Piratically, and Feloniosly [sic], did put the aforesaid Fishermen, in the said Fishing-Boats then being, in Corporal Fear of their Lives; and then and there, piratically and feloniously, did steal, take, and carry away, the Fish, and Fishing-Tackle, of the value of Ten pounds, of Current Money of Jamaica, the Goods and Chattels of the aforesaid Fishermen, then and there upon the high Sea aforesaid, in the aforesaid place, about two  Leagues distant from Harbour-Island aforesaid, and within the Jurisdiction aforesaid, being found, in the said Fishing-Boats, in the Custody and Possession of the said Fishermen, from the said Fishermen, and from their Custody and Possession, then and there, upon the high Sea aforesaid, in the place aforesaid, distant about two Leagues form Harbour Island aforesaid, and within the Jurisdiction aforesaid.

“II. That afterwards, to wit, The first Day of October, in the Year last mentioned, they, the said Mary Read, and Ann Bonny, alias Bonn, and each of them, in the said Pirate Sloop being, by Force and Arms, etc. Upon the high Sea, in a certain place, distant about three Leagues from the Island of Hispaniola in America; and within the Jurisdiction of this Court, did Piratically, and Feloniously, set upon, Shoot at, and take, two certain Merchant Sloops, then being, Sloops of certain Persons, Subjects of our said Lord the King (to the aforesaid Register unknown) and then and there, Piratically, and Feloniously, did make an Assault, in and upon, one James Dobbin, and certain other Mariners (whose Names to the Register aforesaid are unknown) in the same Merchant Sloops, in the peace of God, and of our said now Sovereign Lord the King, then and there being, and then, and there, Piratically, and Feloniously, did put the aforesaid Mariners, of the same two Merchant Sloops, in the aforesaid two Merchaint Sloops then being, in Corporal fear of their Lives, and then and there afterwards, to wit, The said first Day of October, in the Year last mentioned, upon the high Sea, in the place aforesaid, distant about three Leagues from Hispaniola aforesaid, in America aforesaid, and within the Jurisdiction aforesaid, Priatically and Feloniously, did steal, take, and carry away, the said two Merchant Sloops, and the Apparrel and Tackle of the same Sloops, of the Value of One Thousand Pounds of Current Money of Jamaica.

“III. That they, the said Mary Read, and Anne Bonny, alias Bonn, and each of them, in the said Pirate Sloop being, afterwards (to wit) the Nineteenth Day of October, in the Year last mentioned, with Force and Arms, etc. Upon the high Sea, at a certain place, distant about Five Leagues from Porto-Maria-Bay, in the Island of Jamaica aforesaid, and within the Jurisdiction of this Court, did Piratically, Feloniously, and in a Hostile manner, Shoot at, set upon, and take, a certain Scooner, of an unknown Name, whereof one Thomas Spenlow was Master, then being, a Scooner of certain Persons, Subjects of our said Lord the King (to the Register aforesaid unknown) and then and there, Piratically, Feloniously, and in a Hostile manner, did make an Assault, in and upon the said Thomas Spenlow, and certain other Mariners (whose Names to the Register aforesaid are unknown) in the same Scooner, in the Peace of God, and of our said now Lord the King, then and there being, and then and there Piratically and Feloniously, did put the aforesaid Thomas Spenlow, and other Mariners of the same Scooner, in the Scooner aforesaid, then being, in Corporal Fear of their Lives; and then and there iratically and Feloniously, did steal, take, and carry away, the said Scooner, and the Apparel and Tackle of the same Scooner, of the value of Twenty Pounds of Current Money of Jamaica.

“IV. That they, the said Mary Read, and Ann Bonny, alias Bonn, and each of them, in the aforesaid Pirate Sloop being, afterwards (to wit) the 20th Day of Octob. in the Year last mention’d with Force and Arms, etc. upon the high Sea, at a certain Place, distant, about one League from Dry-Harbour-Bay, in the Island of Jamaica, aforesaid, and within the Jurisdiction of this Court, did Piratically, Feloniously, and in a Hostile manner, set upon, bard, and enter, a certain Merchant Sloop, called the Mary, then being a Sloop of certain Persons (to the Register aforesaid unknown) whereof Thomas Dillon Mariner was Master; and then and there, did make an Assault, in and upon the said Thomas Dillon, and certain other Mariners (whose Names to the Register aforesaid are unknown) in the same Sloop, called the Mary, in the Peace of God, and of our said now Lord the King, then and there being, and then and there, Piratically and Feloniously, did put the aforesaid Thomas Dillon, and other the [sic] Mariners of the same Merchant Sloop, called the Mary, in the said Sloop called the Mary then being, in Corporal Fear of their Lives; and then and there Piratically, and Feloniously, did steal, take, and carry away, the said Sloop Mary, and the Apparel and Tackle of the same Sloop, of the Value of Three hundred Pounds, of Current Money of Jamaica.”

These are identical to the four articles charged against the first group of nine men, indicating that Bonny and Read were present on the ship for the entire period covered by those charges. Article III is the one charged against the two men in the second trial. The details of the articles aren’t identical across the records of the three trials, but the events in question clearly align.

The following witnesses were deposed, giving the transcribed testimony.

“Dorothy Thomas deposed, That she, being in a Canoa [sic] at Sea, with some Stock and Provisions, at the North-side of Jamaica, was taken by a Sloop, commanded by one Captain Rackam (as she afterwards heard;) who took out of the Canoa, most of the Things that were in her: And further said That the Two Women, Prisoners at the Bar, were then on Board the said Sloop, and wore Mens Jackets, and long Trouzers, and Handkerchiefs tied about their Heads; and that each of them had a Machet and Pistol in their Hands, and cursed and swore at the Men, to murther the Deponent; and that they should kill her, to prevent her coming against them; and the Deponent further said, That the Reason of her knowing and believing them to be Women then was, by the largeness of their Breasts.”

“Thomas Spenlow, being sworn, deposed, That when he was taken by Rackam, the two Women, Prisoners at the Bar, were then on Board Rackam’s Sloop.”

“John Besneck, and Peter Cornelian, two Frenchmen, were produced as Witnesses, against the Prisoners at the Bar, and were sworn. Mr. Simon Clarke was sworn Interpreter; Then the said Two Witnesses declared, That the Two Women, Prisoners at the Bar, were on Board Rackam’s Sloop, at the Time that Spenlow’s Scooner, and Dillon’s Sloop, were taken by Rackam; That they were very active on Board, and willing to do any Thing; That Ann Bonny, one of the Prisoners at the Bar, handed Gun-powder to the Men, That when they saw any Vessel, gave Chase, or Attacked, they wore Men’s Cloaths; and, at other Times, they wore Women’s Cloaths; That they did not seem to be kept, or detain’d by Force, but of their own Free-Will and Consent.”

“Thomas Dillon, being sworn, declared, That on or about the Twentieth Day of October last, he was lying at Anchor, with the Sloop Mary and Sarah, whereof he was Master, in Dry-Harbour, in Jamaica; and that a strange Sloop came into the said Harbour, which fired a Gun at the Deponent’s Sloop; whereupon the Deponent and his Men went ashoar, in order to defend themselves, and Sloop; And that after several Shot had been fired at them, by the said Sloop, the Deponent hailed them, and one Fetherston (as the Deponent believ’d) answer’d, That they were English Pirates, and that they need not be afraid, and desired the Deponent to come on Board; whereupon the Deponent went on Board, and found that the said Sloop was commanded by one John Rackam; afterwards the said Rackam, and his Crew, took the Deponent’s Sloop, and her Lading, and carried her with them to Sea; and further said, That the two Women, Prisoners at the Bar, were then on Board Rackam’s Sloop; and that Ann Bonny, one of the Prisoners at the Bar, had a Gun in her Hand, That they were both very profligate, cursing and swearing much, and very ready and willing to do any Thing on Board.”

Comparing these to the witness lists from the previous trials, the first trial deposed Thomas Spenlow, Peter Cornelian and John Besneck, and also James Spatchears who did not testify against Bonney and Read. The second trial also deposed Thomas Spenlow, as well as Mr. Cohen and William Swaile (who did not testify in the other two trials). The content of the witness testimony differs considerably from trial to trial, clearly focusing on the involvement of the specific defendants.

Bonney and Read were judged guilty and sentenced to be hung. After sentencing, both women told the court they were “quick with Child” and asked for a stay of execution. [Note: this was a fairly common tactic as courts were hesitant to execute a pregnant woman.] “Whereupon the Court ordered, that Execution of the said Sentence should be respited, and that an Inspection should be made.” And court was adjourned until December 19th.

News of the trials and their outcomes took some time to be disseminated. An item in The Daily Courant (a London paper, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Daily_Courant) dated September 1, 1721 reports an account received in London from Jamaica “by the fleet newly arrived” of “the Execution at Kingston and Port Royal of nine more Pyrates; also of the Tryal and Condemnation of 11 others, two of which were Women, named Mary Read and Sarah Bonny; the Evidence against whom deposed, that they were both in Mens Habit, and fought desperately, and that they narrowly escaped being murdered by them.” The identical text was reported in The Daily Journal, The Post Boy, and The Weekly Journal or British Gazetteer on September 2, 1721. The London Journal, also on September 2, 1721, used a different phrasing of the same basic information: “the Execution of Nine Pyrates, and of the Tryal and Condemnation of Eleven more, Two of which were Women, named Mary Road and Anne Bonney, against whom ’twas prov’d, that they both of them wore Seamens Habits, were in Arms, fought desperately, and were more unmerciful than any of the Crew.”

Given the similarity of details to those in the published trial records, it is reasonable to conclude that these accounts were based on a copy of that publication, newly received in London. Based on our triangulation of a publication date in May 1721, this matches our previous observation of a travel time of 4 months for news to get to London.

December 19, 1720 and later

Several other hearings are documented in the published trial records between December 19, 1720 and March 22, 1720 that have no direct connection with the Rackham crew. [Note: The British Empire did not adopt the Gregorian Calendar, along with the use of January 1 to start the new year, until 1752. In the 1720s, the new year still started on Annunciation Day (March 25). So although the court record says “March 22, 1720” we should understand it as 1721. The same applies to the next item.]  The following does mention Rackham:

January 24, 1720 (read: 1721) during a trial of nine men, a witness indicated that the men had joined up with Rackham and his crew to commit piracy during October 1820 (referencing one of the charges listed in Rackham’s trial). Although there is a long list of men associated with Rackham’s crew in the testimony, neither Read nor Bonney are mentioned. The defendants claimed they had functionally been impressed into Rackham’s crew by force, nevertheless they were found guilty and sentenced to death.

The publication concludes with the text of “An Act made at Westminster in the Kingdom of Great Britain in the Eleventh and Twelfth Years of the Reign of King William III Entituled [sic], An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy.”

This trial record does not follow up on the results of the “inspection” of Bonney and Read regarding their claimed pregnancies. However, the following record has been identified.

April 28, 1721

A line-item in the St. Catherine Baptisms Marriages & Burials, Vol. I: 1669-1764 lists the burial on April 28, 1721 of “Mary Read pirate.” (St. Catherine is a parish in Jamaica.)

Contents summary: 

Sorting Out Rackham’s Crew

Given the wide variety of numbers given for Rackham’s crew, it might be useful to digress a moment and try to sort things out.

The American Weekly Mercury lists the largest crew size at 26, while the number is given as 14 in The Daily Post, The Boston Gazette (which specified 12 men and 2 women in reporting prior to the capture), and The London Journal, with the Journals of the Assembly of Jamaica reporting 18. Some of the confusion may be sorted out by a set of men who had been on Rackham’s ship when it was taken but claimed they had only boarded to receive hospitality and then pressed into helping when the ship was attacked.

The official trial record lists a total of 9 men (including Rackham) in the first trial. This includes 5 names listed in the initial (incomplete) Boston Gazette report of Rackham’s crew being declared pirates, but one name that appears in the Boston Gazette list never appears in the trial records. It’s possible that he died prior to trial. The second trial lists 2 men and a comparison of the one charge against them to the list of charges against the “Rackham 9” indicates that they were part of the crew for at least that one incident. Based on other evidence, they don’t appear to have been present on Rackham’s ship at the time of capture.

Bonny and Read were tried separately in a third trial.

In a fourth trial, 9 named men were tried in the group who claimed they were only visiting on the ship (but were condemned anyway). So all together, this comes to 23 people, which doesn’t match any of the reports unless the Boston Gazette’s “12 men and 2 women” is interpreted either as “12 crew and 2 female civilian captives” (two women were kidnapped and held on 9/4/1720, and might possibly still have been on board on 10/31/1720 when Rackham was captured) or as including the 2 men from the second trial, with Bonny and Read being the “2 women.”

The news report form S. Jago de la Vega gives 11 names, including the 9 men from the first trial and the 2 from the second trial. The names listed in the General History precisely match the official trial report of the “Rackham 9,” Bonny and Read, and the “Just Visiting 9” and were presumably taken directly from that document, but do not include the 2 men from the second trial.

So in terms of named individuals said to be on Rackham’s ship when taken (including Rackham) we have 20 hands including Read and Bonny. The two presumed crew not present at the time of capture get us to 22.  If the two kidnapped women and held were still on board then we’re up to 24, but that still doesn’t get us to the American Weekly Mercury’s 26. Taking the evidence all together, I’m inclined to trust the combination of the trial records and the initial Boston Gazette partial list and conclude that Rackham’s core crew at the time of capture consisted of him, 9 additional men, Bonny, and Read, with one of the men dying unreported before trial. The reports of 14 crew include the two from the second trial. Other numbers are due to the addition of the “just visiting” men and confusion with separate captures of other crews.

An Initial Timeline

At this point, we can construct a timeline of events based on the news reports and official documents. Years will be converted to Gregorian to avoid confusion.

  • 9/1/1720 Bonny and Read “agreed with” Rackham and others to commit piracy
  • 9/3-4/1720 The first two acts of piracy cited in the trial
  • 9/5/1720 Rackham and crew (including Bonny and Read) officially proclaimed to be pirates
  • 10/1-20/1720 Multiple acts of piracy cited in the trial
  • 10/30/1720 Rackham’s ship and crew captured, including Bonny and Read
  • 11/16/1720 Trials of Rackham’s crew begin
  • 11/28/1720 Trial of Bonny and Read, they are found guilty and sentenced
  • 4/28/1721 Death of “Mary Read Pirate” recorded
  • May 1721 Approximate date when the detailed trial records are published. The ultimate fate of Bonny and Read is not included.
  • 6/1/1721 Governor Rogers returns to England. He is later approached to be a source for the General History.
  • 9/1/1721 The detailed publication of the trials is available in England with the results reported in newspapers.
  • Approximately March 1724 the first edition of the General History is published.

One detail to take note of is the very short timeline between when Rackham and crew were officially proclaimed to be pirates and the date when they were captured: a scant two months. As we’ll see, the General History gives them a multi-year history of piracy prior to this date. (It sets Rackham’s elevation to captain in November 1718.) Governor Woodes Rogers arrived in the Bahamas in July 1718 with an assignment to begin anti-piracy activities. It may well be that it took a while for Rogers to get organized enough to begin identifying specific pirates by name, but another possible interpretation is that Rackham and crew were simply inept and quickly taken out of commission. But I get ahead of myself.

Witness Descriptions of Bonny and Read

The image of Bonny and Read dressed in male clothing comes from the eyewitness reports given during their trial. These reports had two purposes: to clearly identify Bonny and Read as having been present during various attacks, and to establish that they were active and willing participants.

To reiterate, Dorothy Thomas related:  “That the Two Women, Prisoners at the Bar, were then on Board the said Sloop, and wore Mens Jackets, and long Trouzers, and Handkerchiefs tied about their Heads; and that each of them had a Machet and Pistol in their Hands, and cursed and swore at the Men, to murther the Deponent [i.e., Thomas]; and that they should kill her, to prevent her coming against them; and the Deponent further said, That the Reason of her knowing and believing them to be Women then was, by the largeness of their Breasts.”

John Besneck and Peter Cornelian, who evidently were present for several of the Rackham crew’s assaults, reported similarly: “That the Two Women…were very active on Board, and willing to do any Thing; That Ann Bonny, one of the Prisoners at the Bar, handed Gun-powder to the Men, That when they saw any Vessel, gave Chase, or Attacked, they wore Men’s Cloaths; and, at other Times, they wore Women’s Cloaths; That they did not seem to be kept, or detain’d by Force, but of their own Free-Will and Consent.”

Thomas Dillon didn’t mention anything about their clothing, but only spoke to their demeanor, saying: “That Ann Bonny, one of the Prisoners at the Bar, had a Gun in her Hand, That they were both very profligate, cursing and swearing much, and very ready and willing to do any Thing on Board.”

These accounts were condensed significantly in news reports. The Daily Courant reported: “Mary Read and Sarah [sic] Bonny…were both in Mens Habit, and fought desperately.” While The Daily Journal had a similarly brief note of: “Mary Road [sic] and Anne Bonney…both of them wore Seamens Habits, were in Arms, fought desperately, and were more unmerciful than any of the Crew.”

Pay attention in particular to Besneck and Cornelian’s testimony, which rather puts the lie to the idea that Bonny and Read were disguising their gender to any degree.

Passing Women in Military and Navel Narratives

The eyewitness account of Bonny and Read’s cross-dressing differs from the classic female cross-dressing narratives of the 18th century, as discussed in works like Dekker and van de Pol (The Tradition of Female Transvestism in Early Modern Europe) or Dianne Dugaw’s Warrior Women and Popular Balladry: 1650-1850. The two women are described as wearing male clothing for combat, but female clothing at other times, while making no serious effort to conceal their physiological sex. There is no mention of them using male aliases. In contrast, the back-stories provided for them in the General History align much more strongly with both real-life and literary depictions of passing women of the time. So let’s explore the structure of those other narratives before moving on to the General History accounts.

Especially in the context of cross-dressing as a soldier or sailor, passing narratives have many common elements while also displaying significant variety. A woman displaced from her birthplace obtains male clothing, adopts a male name, and joins the army or signs on as a sailor. She may be unmasked relatively soon or may not be unmasked until after death, or any time in between. Often she is introduced to the idea of cross-dressing by another woman who has done so successfully. She may flirt with or even marry a woman, either to support her disguise or from personal desire. Sometimes a female partner has urged her to cross-dress so that they may marry. If her disguise is discovered, it is often because she encounters someone who recognizes her from her earlier life. In the real-life cases (as opposed to the literary ones) such women appear to have been able to perform the work expected of a man (or of an adolescent boy) with no problem. While passing women took on all manner of occupations, one study found that 90% were either soldiers or sailors at some point, likely due to the low bar for admission to these professions.

Narratives of passing women were part of popular culture, both treated as exceptional heroines (especially if a patriotic motive could be attributed to them) and later as transgressive “freaks.” These fictional (and fictionalized) women were often given the motive of cross-dressing to join or follow (or pursue) a male partner. Same-sex encounters might be included in the narrative as the humorous result of the disguise. When considering the influences of pre-existing popular culture on the biographies of Bonny and Read presented in the General History, we might take note of the following published examples that would have been in circulation prior to 1720. (I’m omitting people known from historic records whose stories were not published in general circulation at the time.)

  • The broadside ballad “The Merchant’s Daughter of Bristoll” published in 1595 describes a woman disguised as a boy to become a sailor.
  • At a similar era, various ballads about “Mary Ambree” were popular enough to be quoted or referenced in other works and became one of the most popular English ballads of the 17th century. Mary Ambree put on male military garb to fight at Ghent, allegedly to avenge her slain (male) lover.
  • In fact, there was an entire genre of broadside ballads about cross-dressing women becoming soldiers or sailors in the 17th century. Diane Dugaw lists dozens in this era, such as an English one titled The Female Warrior, and a Dutch one published in 1690 about Trijn Jurriaens.
  • English theater of the 17th century was fond of the motif of a woman in male disguise provoking a romantic encounter with a woman, as discussed in extensive detail in Denise A. Walen’s Constructions of Female Homoeroticism in Early Modern Drama. One specific example that includes a military motif is Margaret Cavendish’s Love’s Adventures.
  • The story of Catalina de Erauso was published in a variety of versions and genres in Spanish in the 17th century, detailing her cross-dressed military career in the Americas and including several flirtatious encounters with women.
  • Both French and Dutch versions of a biography of Christine de Meyrak, who served in the French army, were published in the later 17th century.
  • A possibly fictionalized biography of Geneviève Prémoy, who served in the French army in the 1670s and 1680s was published in 1703.
  • A possibly fictionalized biography (in Dutch) was published in 1706 detailing the cross-dressed military career of Willempja Gerrits as a soldier and sailor in the 1660s and 1670s.
  • Christian Davies disguised herself as a man to seek her husband, who was serving in the army in Holland in the 1690s. She continued serving in disguise (after ditching the unfaithful husband) until 1706 when she was wounded and her sex was discovered. Although her life story was not published until after our key date, she was presented to the queen in 1712 and was known as a public celebrity.

The point of these examples is to demonstrate that there was an existing pop culture genre of “the cross-dressed woman who becomes a soldier or sailor, often in the context of a relationship with a man, but who may have romantic encounters with women as a result of the disguise.” This was the context in which the narratives about Anne Bonny and Mary Read were written.

Contents summary: 

The General History of the Pirates

And now we’re ready to see what the General History says about Bonny and Read, three years after these events. The text I have is the second edition. My understanding is that the first edition also contained the material on Bonny and Read in the main text, but that only the appendices were new to the second edition.

In this section, I’ll present the relevant text from the General History, followed by a tentative timeline summary of each biography (if relevant), then an analysis of the contents and its likely relationship to reality. There are several questions to keep in mind when reading this material. If we assume the backstories were factual, how would Johnson have obtained this information? This is especially the case with regard to internal thoughts and motivations of people who are long dead at the time of Bonny and Read’s trials. Secondly, how does the described flirtation scenario align with the eyewitness accounts in the trial? How would Johnson know about this supposed scenario, given that it does not appear in the trial documents and that all members of Rackham’s crew had been executed? (Although we must remember that Anne Bonny’s fate is not recorded in any official documents.)

Like the newspaper accounts and the published trial records, the title of the General History highlights the inclusion of Bonny and Read in a way that makes clear they are assumed to be a major topic of interest to potential readers. Further Johnson admits that their narratives may strike the reader as fantastic, although the framing of histories about non-normative women are commonly labeled as sensational, not only to excite interest, but to provide a buffer between such women and normative expectations.

The introductory section of the General History provides exactly this type of framing.

“As to the Lives of our two female Pyrates, we must confess they may appear a little Extravagant, yet they are never the less true for seeming so, but as they were publickly try’d for their Pyracies, there are living Witnesses enough to justify what we have laid down concerning them; it is certain, we have produced some Particulars which were not so publickly known, the Reason is, we were more inquisitive into the Circumstances of their past Lives, than other People, who had no other Design, than that of gratifying their own private Curiosity: If there are some Incidents and Turns in their Stories, which may give them a little the Air of a Novel, they are not invented or contrived for that Purpose, it is a Kind of Reading this Author is but little acquainted with, but as he himself was exceedingly diverted with them, when they were related to him, he thought they might have the same Effect upon the Reader.”

Despite the author’s reference to “living witnesses,” certain events on shipboard no longer had living witnesses (with the hypothetical possible exception of Anne Bonny, but one would expect the Johnson to specifically note if he’d been able to interview her). Supposed events from the childhood of the two also cast doubt on the “living witnesses” claim. And if the theory that “Captain Johnson” was Daniel Defoe, then his claim to be “little acquainted with” novels is laughably false, as he published 8 novels between 1719 and 1724. (I haven’t read up on the scholarship around the work’s authorship.)

The material on Bonney and Read are included in the chapter on Rackham, rather than having their own chapters, but are set off with their own headings. Each of the women is given a longer text than that given to Rackham himself. (The section on Rackham doesn’t have any relevant information that isn’t duplicated in the Bonny and Read sections.)

The table of contents includes a brief summary of each chapter’s material. For Read and Bonney these table-of-contents summaries read as follows:

“The LIFE of MARY READ.

“MARY Read’s Birth, 157. Reasons for dressing her in Breeches, 158. Waits upon a Lady; goes into the Army, 159. Her Behaviour in several Engagements, ib. She falls in Love with her Comrade, ib. Her Sex discovered; the two Troopers married, 160. Settles at Breda, ib. Her Husband dies, she reassumes the Breeches, ib. Goes to Holland. To the West-Indies, 161. Turns Pyrate. Anne Bonny, another Pyrate, falls in Love with her, 162. Her Adventures to 165.

“The LIFE of ANNE BONNY.

“ANNE Bonny born a Bastard, 166. Her Mother’s Intrigues strangely discover’d, 167. Her Father lies with his own Wife, by mistake, 169. She proves with Child; the Husband jealous, 170. He separates from his Wife; lives with Anne Bonny’s Mother, 171. Anne Bonny put into Breeches for a Disguise, how discovered, ib. The Father becomes poor. Goes to Carolina, 172. Improves his Fortune. Anne Bonny marries against his Consent. Her fierce Temper, ib. Goes to Providence with her Husband, ib. Enticed to Sea in Men’s Cloaths, by Rackam the Pyrate, 173. Reproaches Rackam with Cowardice at his Execution, ib.”

At the end of the chapter on Rackham, the following is noted. After which the sections on the two women follow.

“Two other Pyrates were try’d that belonged to Rackam’s Crew, and being convicted, were brought up, and asked if either of them had any Thing to say why Sentence of Death should not pass upon them, in like Manner as had been done to all the rest; and both of them pleaded their Bellies, being quick with Child, and pray’d that Execution might be stay’d, whereupon the Court passed Sentence, as in Cases of Pyracy, but ordered them back, till a proper Jury should be appointed to enquire into the Matter.”

The preceding paragraph follows very closely the facts in the trial record: that the two women were tried separately, that they claimed pregnancy after their sentencing, and that their executions were stayed pending further investigation. We can surmise that this material was taken directly from those trial records, but at the same time it provides no additional details not present in the legal records, and indeed has less information, given that the women’s names are not mentioned.

(It's curious that the published trial records make no mention of any follow-up on the pregnancy claims. Based on my estimate the trial records were published about 5 months after the date of Bonny and Read’s trial. Any assessment would presumably have taken place well within that period. This isn’t really a comment on the General History, but it speaks to possible sources of information on events after the trial.)

Other chapters in the book don’t delve into the past lives and backgrounds of the pirates under discussion, but rather focus on ship movements and attacks. So the women’s sections are markedly different in this respect. Many of the men’s stories include extensive details of interactions and reported conversations that are attributed to depositions in court, whereas no sources are cited for the extensive details of Read’s and Bonney’s lives. (We can see these sorts of detailed reported speech in the court depositions quoted above.) In contrast, the narrative style of the following material aligns more with news accounts of “criminal histories” and cross-dressing narratives.

As some general historical background: Nassau in New Providence, Bahamas became a haven for pirates in the first decade of the 18th century, due to the lack of any governmental or military presence. Several actions were taken to begin to redress this situation. In September 1717 a pardon was offered for any pirates willing to give up piracy. (The “King’s Pardon” mentioned in the text.) The requirement was that they surrender within the following year, however either this offer was repeated at other times or there was a belief that it was still available later, based on references in the General History. In 1718, Woodes Rogers was sent by King George I to be Governor of New Providence. Late in 1718, the governor recruited some former pirates to turn privateer against Spanish colonies. There are some references in the General History that seem to refer to offers of this type. These events and dates correspond to some actions related in the narratives, but the exact correspondence is sometimes ambiguous.

Contents summary: 

The LIFE of MARY READ,

NOW we are to begin a History full of surprizing Turns and Adventures; I mean, that of Mary Read and Anne Bonny, alias Bonn, which were the true Names of these two Pyrates; the odd Incidents of their rambling Lives are such, that some may be tempted to think the whole Story no better than a Novel or Romance; but since it is supported by many thousand Witnesses, I mean the People of Jamaica, who were present at their Tryals, and heard the Story of their Lives, upon the first discovery of their Sex; the Truth of it can be no more contested, than that there were such Men in the World, as Roberts and Blackbeard, who were Pyrates.

Engraving of Bonny and Read from the General History [See accompanying blog post for image or use link.]

Ann Bonny and Mary Read convicted of Piracy Nov. 28th. 1720 at a Court of Vice Admiralty held at St. Jago de la Vega in the Island of Jamaica.

Mary Read was born in England, her Mother was married young, to a Man who used the Sea, who going a Voyage soon after their Marriage, left her with Child, which Child proved to be a Boy. As to the Husband, whether he was cast away, or died in the Voyage, Mary Read could not tell; but however, he never returned more; nevertheless, the Mother, who was young and airy, met with an Accident, which has often happened to Women who are young, and do not take a great deal of Care; which was, she soon proved with Child again, without a Husband to Father it, but how, or by whom, none but her self could tell, for she carried a pretty good Reputation among her Neighbours. Finding her Burthen grow, in order to conceal her Shame, she takes a formal Leave of her Husband’s Relations, giving out, that she went to live with some Friends of her own, in the Country: Accordingly she went away, and carried with her her young Son, at this Time, not a Year old: Soon after her Departure her Son died, but Providence in Return, was pleased to give her a Girl in his Room, of which she was safely delivered, in her Retreat, and this was our Mary Read.

Here the Mother liv’d three or four Years, till what Money she had was almost gone; then she thought of returning to London, and considering that her Husband’s Mother was in some Circumstances, she did not doubt but to prevail upon her, to provide for the Child, if she could but pass it upon her for the same, but the changing a Girl into a Boy, seem’d a difficult Piece of Work, and how to deceive an experienced old Woman, in such a Point, was altogether as impossible; however, she ventured to dress it up as a Boy, brought it to Town, and presented it to her Mother in Law, as her Husband’s Son; the old Woman would have taken it, to have bred it up, but the Mother pretended it would break her Heart, to part with it; so it was agreed betwixt them, that the Child should live with the Mother, and the supposed Grandmother should allow a Crown a Week for it’s Maintainance.

Thus the Mother gained her Point, she bred up her Daughter as a Boy, and when she grew up to some Sense, she thought proper to let her into the Secret of her Birth, to induce her to conceal her Sex. It happen’d that the Grandmother died, by which Means the Subsistance that came from that Quarter, ceased, and they were more and more reduced in their Circumstances; wherefore she was obliged to put her Daughter out, to wait on a French Lady, as a Foot-boy, being now thirteen Years of Age: Here she did not live long, for growing bold and strong, and having also a roving Mind, she entered her self on Board a Man of War, where she served some Time, then quitted it, went over into Flanders, and carried Arms in a Regiment of Foot, as a Cadet; and tho’ upon all Actions, she behaved herself with a great deal of Bravery, yet she could not get a Commission, they being generally bought and sold; therefore she quitted the Service, and took on in a Regiment of Horse; she behaved so well in several Engagements, that she got the Esteem of all her Officers; but her Comrade who was a Fleming, happening to be a handsome young Fellow, she falls in Love with him, and from that Time, grew a little more negligent in her Duty, so that, it seems, Mars and Venus could not be served at the same Time; her Arms and Accoutrements which were always kept in the best Order, were quite neglected: ’tis true, when her Comrade was ordered out upon a Party, she used to go without being commanded, and frequently run herself into Danger, where she had no Business, only to be near him; the rest of the Troopers little suspecting the secret Cause which moved her to this Behaviour, fancied her to be mad, and her Comrade himself could not account for this strange Alteration in her, but Love is ingenious, and as they lay in the same Tent, and were constantly together, she found a Way of letting him discover her Sex, without appearing that it was done with Design.

He was much surprized at what he found out, and not a little pleased, taking it for granted, that he should have a Mistress solely to himself, which is an unusual Thing in a Camp, since there is scarce one of those Campaign Ladies, that is ever true to a Troop or Company; so that he thought of nothing but gratifying his Passions with very little Ceremony; but he found himself strangely mistaken, for she proved very reserved and modest, and resisted all his Temptations, and at the same Time was so obliging and insinuating in her Carriage, that she quite changed his Purpose, so far from thinking of making her his Mistress, he now courted her for a Wife.

This was the utmost Wish of her Heart, in short, they exchanged Promises, and when the Campaign was over, and the Regiment marched into Winter Quarters, they bought Woman’s Apparel for her, with such Money as they could make up betwixt them, and were publickly married.

The Story of two Troopers marrying each other, made a great Noise, so that several Officers were drawn by Curiosity to assist at the Ceremony, and they agreed among themselves that every one of them should make a small Present to the Bride, towards House-keeping, in Consideration of her having been their fellow Soldier. Thus being set up, they seemed to have a Desire of quitting the Service, and settling in the World; the Adventure of their Love and Marriage had gained them so much Favour, that they easily obtained their Discharge, and they immediately set up an Eating House or Ordinary, which was the Sign of the Three Horse-Shoes, near the Castle of Breda, where they soon run into a good Trade, a great many Officers eating with them constantly.

But this Happiness lasted not long, for the Husband soon died, and the Peace of Reswick being concluded, there was no Resort of Officers to Breda, as usual; so that the Widow having little or no Trade, was forced to give up Housekeeping, and her Substance being by Degrees quite spent, she again assumes her Man’s Apparel, and going into Holland, there takes on in a Regiment of Foot, quarter’d in one of the Frontier Towns: Here she did not remain long, there was no likelihood of Preferment in Time of Peace, therefore she took a Resolution of seeking her Fortune another Way; and withdrawing from the Regiment, ships herself on Board of a Vessel bound for the West-Indies.

It happen’d this Ship was taken by English Pyrates, and Mary Read was the only English Person on Board, they kept her amongst them, and having plundered the Ship, let it go again; after following this Trade for some Time, the King’s Proclamation came out, and was publish’d in all Parts of the West-Indies, for pardoning such Pyrates, who should voluntarily surrender themselves by a certain Day therein mentioned. The Crew of Mary Read took the Benefit of this Proclamation, and having surrender’d, liv’d quietly on Shore; but Money beginning to grow short, and hearing that Captain Woods Rogers, Governor of the Island of Providence, was fitting out some Privateers to cruise against the Spaniards, she with several others embark’d for that Island, in order to go upon the privateering Account, being resolved to make her Fortune one way or other.

These Privateers were no sooner sail’d out, but the Crews of some of them, who had been pardoned, rose against their Commanders, and turned themselves to their old Trade: In this Number was Mary Read. It is true, she often declared, that the Life of a Pyrate was what she always abhor’d, and went into it only upon Compulsion, both this Time, and before, intending to quit it, whenever a fair Opportunity should offer it self; yet some of the Evidence against her, upon her Tryal, who were forced Men, and had sailed with her, deposed upon Oath, that in Times of Action, no Person amongst them were more resolute, or ready to Board or undertake any Thing that was hazardous, as she and Anne Bonny; and particularly at the Time they were attack’d and taken, when they came to close Quarters, none kept the Deck except Mary Read and Anne Bonny, and one more; upon which, she, Mary Read, called to those under Deck, to come up and fight like Men, and finding they did not stir, fired her Arms down the Hold amongst them, killing one, and wounding others.

This was part of the Evidence against her, which she denied; which, whether true or no, thus much is certain, that she did not want Bravery, nor indeed was she less remarkable for her Modesty, according to her Notions of Virtue: Her Sex was not so much as suspected by any Person on Board, till Anne Bonny, who was not altogether so reserved in point of Chastity, took a particular liking to her; in short, Anne Bonny took her for a handsome young Fellow, and for some Reasons best known to herself, first discovered her Sex to Mary Read; Mary Read knowing what she would be at, and being very sensible of her own Incapacity that Way, was forced to come to a right Understanding with her, and so to the great Disappointment of Anne Bonny, she let her know she was a Woman also; but this Intimacy so disturb’d Captain Rackam, who was the Lover and Gallant of Anne Bonny, that he grew furiously jealous, so that he told Anne Bonny, he would cut her new Lover’s Throat, therefore, to quiet him, she let him into the Secret also.

Captain Rackam, (as he was enjoined,) kept the Thing a Secret from all the Ship’s Company, yet, notwithstanding all her Cunning and Reserve, Love found her out in this Disguise, and hinder’d her from forgetting her Sex. In their Cruize they took a great Number of Ships belonging to Jamaica, and other Parts of the West-Indies, bound to and from England; and when ever they meet any good Artist, or other Person that might be of any great Use to their Company, if he was not willing to enter, it was their Custom to keep him by Force. Among these was a young Fellow of a most engageing Behaviour, or, at least, he was so in the Eyes of Mary Read, who became so smitten with his Person and Address, that she could neither rest, Night or Day; but as there is nothing more ingenious than Love, it was no hard Matter for her, who had before been practiced in these Wiles, to find a Way to let him discover her Sex: She first insinuated her self into his liking, by talking against the Life of a Pyrate, which he was altogether averse to, so they became Mess-Mates and strict Companions: When she found he had a Friendship for her, as a Man, she suffered the Discovery to be made, by carelesly shewing her Breasts, which were very White.

The young Fellow, who was made of Flesh and Blood, had his Curiosity and Desire so rais’d by this Sight, that he never ceased importuning her, till she confessed what she was. Now begins the Scene of Love; as he had a Liking and Esteem for her, under her supposed Character, it was now turn’d into Fondness and Desire; her Passion was no less violent than his, and perhaps she express’d it, by one of the most generous Actions that ever Love inspired. It happened this young Fellow had a Quarrel with one of the Pyrates, and their Ship then lying at an Anchor, near one of the Islands, they had appointed to go ashore and fight, according to the Custom of the Pyrates: Mary Read, was to the last Degree uneasy and anxious, for the Fate of her Lover; she would not have had him refuse the Challenge, because, she could not bear the Thoughts of his being branded with Cowardise; on the other Side, she dreaded the Event, and apprehended the Fellow might be too hard for him: When Love once enters into the Breast of one who has any Sparks of Generosity, it stirs the Heart up to the most noble Actions; in this Dilemma, she shew’d, that she fear’d more for his Life than she did for her own; for she took a Resolution of quarreling with this Fellow her self, and having challenged him ashore, she appointed the Time two Hours sooner than that when he was to meet her Lover, where she fought him at Sword and Pistol, and killed him upon the Spot.

It is true, she had fought before, when she had been insulted by some of those Fellows, but now it was altogether in her Lover’s Cause, she stood as it were betwixt him and Death, as if she could not live without him. If he had no regard for her before, this Action would have bound him to her for ever; but there was no Occasion for Ties or Obligations, his Inclination towards her was sufficient; in fine, they applied their Troth to each other, which Mary Read said, she look’d upon to be as good a Marriage, in Conscience, as if it had been done by a Minister in Church; and to this was owing her great Belly, which she pleaded to save her Life.

She declared she had never committed Adultery or Fornication with any Man, she commended the Justice of the Court, before which she was tried, for distinguishing the Nature of their Crimes; her Husband, as she call’d him, with several others, being acquitted; and being ask’d, who he was? she would not tell, but, said he was an honest Man, and had no Inclination to such Practices, and that they had both resolved to leave the Pyrates the first Opportunity, and apply themselves to some honest Livelyhood.

It is no doubt, but many had Compassion for her, yet the Court could not avoid finding her Guilty; for among other Things, one of the Evidences against her, deposed, that being taken by Rackam, and detain’d some Time on Board, he fell accidentally into Discourse with Mary Read, whom he taking for a young Man, ask’d her, what Pleasure she could have in being concerned in such Enterprizes, where her Life was continually in Danger, by Fire or Sword; and not only so, but she must be sure of dying an ignominious Death, if she should be taken alive?—She answer’d, that as to hanging, she thought it no great Hardship, for, were it not for that, every cowardly Fellow would turn Pyrate, and so infest the Seas, that Men of Courage must starve:— That if it was put to the Choice of the Pyrates, they would not have the punishment less than Death, the Fear of which, kept some dastardly Rogues honest; that many of those who are now cheating the Widows and Orphans, and oppressing their poor Neighbours, who have no Money to obtain Justice, would then rob at Sea, and the Ocean would be crowded with Rogues, like the Land, and no Merchant would venture out; so that the Trade, in a little Time, would not be worth following.

Being found quick with Child, as has been observed, her Execution was respited, and it is possible she would have found Favour, but she was seiz’d with a violent Fever, soon after her Tryal, of which she died in Prison.

Contents summary: 

Only two events in Read’s narrative can be tied with certainty to a specific date: her husband’s death around the date of the Peace of Reswick, which occurred in 1697, and her capture and trial in 1720. The following highly speculative timeline is worked backwards and forwards around these dates. Note that this timeline attempts to make sense of the General History narrative, without otherwise evaluating its likely accuracy.

  • Est. 1675: Read's mother marries a sailor, gets pregnant, her husband leaves and never returns. The child was a boy.
  • Est. 1677: Read's mother gets pregnant while her husband is still absent. She has been living with her husband’s family and leaves to conceal the pregnancy. Her first child dies and Mary Read is born.
  • Est. 1679: Mary and her mother are living in the country (“for 3-4 years”)
  • Est. 1680: Mary and her mother return to London to her husband’s family. Mary is passed off as a boy and claimed to be her dead half-brother in order to claim monetary support from her mother-in-law.
  • Est. 1690: Mary is 13 and knows her history. Her putative grandmother has died. Mary is put into service but quits to become a sailor (in male disguise). (This is a reasonable age for an adolescent to go to sea in that era.)
  • 1697: Mary’s military career has included sailor, cadet in a regiment of foot in Flanders, regiment of horse in Flanders (when she falls in love with a comrade), discloses her sex to her comrade, Mary begins living as a woman and they marry, they manage a dining establishment in Breda, her husband dies around the time of the Peace of Reswick (1697). (The timeline is based on a very rough estimate for each of the described stages in her career.)
  • Est 1702: Mary tries to continue the business on her own but eventually returns to male dress and the army for economic reasons. She goes to Holland for this. (In this year there was a campaign in Holland as part of the War of Spanish Succession, making this date plausible.)
  • Est. 1705: Seeing no hope of advancement in the regiment, Mary takes sail to the West Indies. This date is a guess, but there’s a long time-gap until the next clear timepoint. Mary’s ship is taken by English pirates and she joins them. She remains on the pirate vessel for “some time.”
  • Est. Early 1718: The pirate crew that Mary is part of takes the King’s Pardon. This is the date of the initial offer of the pardon.
  • Est. Late 1718: Mary and others take the governor’s offer to turn privateers against the Spanish (which occurred in this year) but then turn pirate instead.
  • Est. June 1719 (possibly later): Mary joins Rackham’s crew. (The narrative indicates she joined after Bonny, who supposedly joined around this date.)
  • Est. Early 1720: Mary is attracted to a fellow pirate, reveals her sex to him, and becomes his lover. She pre-empts a duel he plans by killing his opponent first.
  • July 1720 (calculated): The earliest possible date that Mary could have become pregnant, if she was in fact pregnant at her trial but had not yet given birth by the time she died. (This is purely conjectural, as the fate of a hypothetical child would not necessarily have been recorded and there’s no evidence that the pregnancy was real.)
  • September 1, 1720 (from the trial record): Mary agrees to turn pirate with Rackham. (This need not be in conflict with the General History’s much earlier date of her piratical career if it’s simply an arbitrary date used by the court.)
  • September-October 1720 (from the trial record): Various acts of piracy by the Rackham crew, culminating in their capture in late October.
  • November 28, 1720: Mary is tried and convicted. She pleads pregnancy but per the General History she declines to name the father, who is said to have been acquitted. (But note that none of Rackham’s crew were acquitted.)
  • “Soon after her trial” (April 28, 1721 per parish records): Mary dies of an illness. There is no mention of a child.

By this timeline, Mary Read would have been in her mid-40s when she died. If her military career in Flanders was more compressed than I have estimated, then perhaps 5 years could be shaved off that, but a limit is placed by the reference to the Peace of Reswick and the reference to her age when she first went to sea. Possibly the most implausible element in this timeline is the dozen or more years when she is initially supposed to have been a pirate prior to taking the King’s Pardon. Given the brief and chaotic careers of more solidly documented pirates, this long an uninterrupted stint seems unlikely.

An Analysis of the Plausibility of the General History’s Account of Mary Read’s Life

The first key question regarding Mary Read’s supposed biography is: if this information is true and correct, how would Johnson have become acquainted with such extensive details going back well before Mary was born? (Much of the following discussion will apply to both women, but I’ll discuss issues specific to Anne Bonny later.) The author of the General History makes a carefully vague claim that “there are living Witnesses enough to justify what we have laid down concerning them,” but note that he doesn’t claim that these living witnesses provided him with the content, simply that they could “justify” the story. And those witnesses could only “justify” the parts of the story that were presented publicly during the trial in Jamaica.

Could the details have come directly from Mary herself? There are some narrative nods to this scenario in the text, as when an event prior to Mary’s birth is commented as “whether [this happened] Mary could not tell.” But direct reporting is either impossible or highly implausible. Travel times between Jamaica and England alone rule out direct interview. By the time news of the capture of two women pirates traveled to London, even if an intrepid investigator had jumped on the next ship to the Bahamas, when he arrived, she would have already been dead for months.

Could someone already in Jamaica have interviewed Mary while she was in prison and elicited this highly detailed story from her? And then delivered it to Johnson without leaving any other documentary trace? While not technically impossible, it seems far more likely that someone who went to the trouble of acquiring this highly newsworthy story would have taken credit. Sensationalist news was quite popular in the 18th century. This hypothetical researcher would have been aware of the value of the story. Furthermore, in the second edition there are accounts attributed to just such third-party reporters, which are carefully framed as letters written to the Johnson. But there is no such framing for Mary’s story.

Could the information have been elicited from Mary’s shipmates? In addition to the problem that they wouldn’t necessarily know all the details of her earlier life, they were all dead. Hung within days of their trials and before the trial of Bonny and Read that might have roused sufficient interest for such an interview.

The claim that the detailed backstory came out at the trial is given as “some may be tempted to think the whole Story no better than a Novel or Romance; but since it is supported by many thousand Witnesses, I mean the People of Jamaica, who were present at their Tryals, and heard the Story of their Lives, upon the first discovery of their Sex.” This can’t stand as demonstrating a source of any information that wasn’t included in the trial record. While it’s clear that the content of the trial records were incorporated into the General History, the latter includes vastly more details.

Given the amount of detail that did appear in the trial records, it would be at the very least odd that no trace of the women’s pre-piratical lives is recorded there, if it had indeed been presented at trial. Furthermore, the questions during the trials were focused on the specifics of the piracy charges. There was no context for asking about “the story of their lives.” Newspaper accounts in England that covered criminal histories or crossdressing narratives would often go into this sort of narrative history, but there is no trace of such an account being taken down and published in Jamaica.

Overall, it isn’t simply that no documentary basis for the stories is given, but that a demonstrably false basis is offered, purely in support of the assertion that the stories are “true.” Some introductory material in the second edition makes claims about the source of additional material included in volume 2, saying that the author had access to the journals of pirates (brought away by someone who had been their prisoner) and of ship commanders. This claim is not specific to the Bonny and Read accounts and also clearly doesn’t apply to the material in the first edition (volume 1). As noted previously, some of the volume 2 additions are in the form of letters to “Captain Johnson” claiming that they heard he was planning a second edition and wanted to provide him with material to include in it but no such framing is presented for the backstrories of Bonny and Read.

Is it possible that Johnson spent the approximately 2.5 years between having access to the detailed trial records and the first publication of the General History to do intensive on-the-ground investigation in England, Flanders, Holland, and the Caribbean to turn up records of births, residence, enlistments, shipboard activities, etc. necessary to piece together this full narrative? In addition to spending that time writing the full text of the work? (And, if the theory that Defoe is the author is correct, also spending that time writing several other books?) I feel comfortable saying that this is not plausible, simply in terms of the amount of work involved and the types of information that would be available even in the best circumstances. In fact, many of the details given in the narrative are not ones that would be available from documentary sources and where any persons involved who might know them were no longer alive. But let’s go through a few of those items in detail.

The story of Mary’s birth and the circumstances under which her mother decided to raise her as a boy might hypothetically have been told to Mary before she left home, but by definition were not known to anyone else, as the point was to conceal Mary’s illegitimate birth and true sex. This is information for which Mary would be the only plausible source and we’ve already dismissed the likelihood that the narrative came from her. This sort of narrative of gender disguise for the purpose of deceit is common in 17th century drama, as is the motif that cross-dressing was initially imposed on a child rather than being chosen as a deliberate strategy. It is far likelier that the story of her birth and cross-gender upbringing were invented retroactively based on motifs common in popular culture. (Klein’s “Busty Buccaneers and Sapphic Swashbucklers” offers an extensive discussion of the intersection of Bonny and Read’s biographies in the General History with existing pop culture narratives, and to a large extent I am simply presenting her conclusions on this point.)

Mary’s various stints in military units align well with trial records of passing women in the Low Countries in the 17th century. (See Dekker and van de Pol.) Thus, while the events are quite plausible, there is also a clear context in which they might have been borrowed from existing accounts of other women. The motif of a passing woman in the military falling in love with a comrade (or joining up to accompany a lover) is common in 17th century broadside ballads. Once again, the personal and private details describing this incident, if true, are ones only Mary would have known and could only have been reported directly by her.

The events around the disclosure of Mary’s sex and her marriage to the trooper offer another context for doubt. “[T]hey exchanged Promises, and when the Campaign was over, and the Regiment marched into Winter Quarters, they bought Woman’s Apparel for her, with such Money as they could make up betwixt them, and were publickly married. The Story of two Troopers marrying each other, made a great Noise, so that several Officers were drawn by Curiosity to assist at the Ceremony, and they agreed among themselves that every one of them should make a small Present to the Bride, towards House-keeping, in Consideration of her having been their fellow Soldier.”

As Dekker & van de Pol document, real-life passing women in the military typically received harsh treatment when discovered, at a minimum including banishment, but often including corporal punishment. It was rare for such a woman to be celebrated and praised, except in fictionalized and literary versions of the genre. Conversely, if it had been the case that “the Story of two Troopers marrying each other made a great Noise” this is exactly the sort of romanticized circumstance that was turned into ballads and broadsheets and news items. So while it’s not impossible that Johnson could have come across such a story, tying it specifically to Mary Read would have been much more difficult without her personal testimony and additional details. To some extent, the level of concrete detail about the couple’s post-military career (“they immediately set up an Eating House or Ordinary, which was the Sign of the Three Horse-Shoes, near the Castle of Breda”) and the reference to financial difficulties after the death of the husband and slack trade after the Peace of Reswick lends credence to the hypothesis that this incident is taken from an actual report of someone, but not necessarily Mary.

The hypothesis that Mary’s military career and subsequent marriage might have been borrowed from an actual pre-existing report could make sense of one aspect of the timeline. The Peace of Reswick (1697) is firmly nailed down in time. (See Wikipedia: The Peace of Ryswick (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peace_of_Ryswick) was a set of peace treaties signed in late 1697 ending the Nine Years War. The UK was a party to the treaty, in alliance with the Dutch Republic as part of the Grand Alliance.) Incorporating this event as part of her history means that the 23 years before Mary’s capture as part of Rackham’s crew must be accounted for in some fashion. The two activities attributed to her during that 23 years are serving in the military in Holland and serving as a pirate up until that crew takes the King’s Pardon. This period is glossed over is a much lower level of detail that other parts of her life.

If (hypothetically) the entirety of Mary’s supposed military career was borrowed wholesale, and if that is the only basis for pinning her life to specific dates prior to the 1710s, then not only does the length of her piratical career begin to look more plausible, but her age at capture could be significantly lower than the full General History timeline would require. Of course, if we accept the hypothesis that the General History incorporated large chunks of unrelated material to fill out Mary’s biography (and potentially Anne’s as well), then the assumed veracity of any part of that story goes out the window.

Mary Read’s narrative includes two potentially erotic encounters while part of Rackham’s crew. Both narratives include the significant element that Mary’s gender disguise is complete and that everyone assumes her to be a man. As we’ve seen from the trial records, this is contradicted by eyewitness accounts not only that she only wore male clothing during combat, but that, when in male dress, she was identifiable as a woman from “the largeness of [her] breasts.”

As Klein notes, an essential component of “acceptable” sapphic cross-dressing narratives was the function of successful gender disguise in erasing the possibility of a woman knowingly desiring another woman, while salaciously toying with the specter of both male and female homoeroticism. Thus when “Anne Bonny took her for a handsome young Fellow, and for some Reasons best known to herself, first discovered her Sex to Mary Read” the narrative dodges the image of male homoeroticism by having Anne reveal herself to be female before making a move on the “handsome young fellow.” Immediately, “Mary Read knowing what she would be at, and being very sensible of her own Incapacity that Way, was forced to come to a right Understanding with her, and so to the great Disappointment of Anne Bonny, she let her know she was a Woman also.” That is, the narrative erases the possibility of any actual erotic encounter between the women (“her own incapacity”), negates the possibility that Anne might desire Mary as a woman (“great disappointment”), although it doesn’t entirely negate the possibility that Mary was negotiating for a sapphic encounter.

However, we come back again to the question “if this were a true account, how could the information about these events and the interior thoughts of the two women come to be known to the Johnson?” Even more than the episodes around Mary’s birth and childhood, and the supposed soldier-marriage in Flanders, this is an encounter that—based on the framing within the narrative—could not be known to anyone except the two women. Anne supposedly let Rackham in on the secret of Mary’s sex to quiet his jealousy, but if he was murderously jealous, would she have revealed to him that the encounter came about because of her own sexual advance? We’re going down a speculative rabbit-hole here, but only because we’re looking for internal consistency within a fictionalized narrative. Within that narrative, the matter continued to be kept secret from the rest of the crew. So at the very most, we have three people who had some access to it, one of whom was executed within days of his trial. The possible scenarios for direct reporting by Mary have already been reviewed, and similar scenarios for direct reporting by Anne will be considered later.

Mary’s second erotic encounter is framed as occurring after the previous events. Mary is said to have fallen for a young man pressed into service on Rackham’s ship. There are various points where Mary’s story attempts to frame her as the “good girl” in contrast to Anne’s “bad girl.” Thus Anne falls for the pirate Rackham and is promiscuous, while Mary falls for the pressed man and insinuates herself into his affections, not only by revealing her sex to him, but by implying that she, too, is dissatisfied with a pirate’s life. They become “mess-mates and strict companions”—a typical arrangement for men on shipboard, but with unavoidable homoerotic undertones. “When she found he had a Friendship for her, as a Man, she suffered the Discovery to be made, by carelesly shewing her Breasts, which were very White.” That is, when he showed homoerotic interest in her, she short-circuited that by divulging her sex, just as she had with the soldier in Flanders. There is a detailed anecdote about how Mary was so devoted and protective of her lover that when he was due to fight a duel, she pre-empted it by challenging and killing his opponent first.

The outcome of this relationship provides another unresolvable conflict with the documentary record. When Mary “pleads her belly” at her trial, the General History says she indicated this man was the father of her child while refusing to name him. (As another part of framing Mary as the “good girl,” she is made to claim that she considered herself married to her fellow pirate and that “she had never committed adultery or fornication with any man.”) But where the story trips up, not only in the absence of any of these details from the trial record beyond the claim of pregnancy, is in claiming that her lover was acquitted. None of Rackham’s crew were acquitted—not even the 9 men who claimed they had only been briefly on board for hospitality (and who could not have included Mary’s hypothetical long-term lover in any case). Of the 8 trials detailed in the official report, only one included any persons acquitted of piracy (and that for faults in the evidence), and that was for activities while traveling from Africa to the Caribbean and with no contact with Rackham or his crew. While there may well have been other trials than those recorded in this specific document, this one focuses strongly on pirates captured in the same timeframe and region as Rackham. So the entire set of incidents involving Mary’s supposed lover is riddled with holes and impossibilities.

Now that the General History is covering events around the trial itself, the contradictions with the official report are very evident. The General History says, “one of the Evidences against her, deposed, that being taken by Rackam, and detain’d some Time on Board, he fell accidentally into Discourse with Mary Read, whom he taking for a young Man, ask’d her, what Pleasure she could have in being concerned in such Enterprizes, where her Life was continually in Danger, by Fire or Sword; and not only so, but she must be sure of dying an ignominious Death, if she should be taken alive?—She answer’d, that as to hanging, she thought it no great Hardship…[followed by a political tirade].” This is a specific claim about a conversation said to be part of the trial deposition, but no such deposition is included in the official trial record.

The General History’s account of Mary Read concludes with: “Being found quick with Child, as has been observed, her Execution was respited, and it is possible she would have found Favour, but she was seiz’d with a violent Fever, soon after her Tryal, of which she died in Prison.”

Note that Mary was not “found” pregnant, but only claimed to be so—an extremely common dodge among women condemned to death. The trial record indicates that a follow-up investigation would be performed, but if it was, it did not become part of the official record. It could be hypothesized that, in lieu of a formal investigation of the pregnancy, Mary was simply held for the length of a full term. The record of her death from illness comes almost 5 months to the day after the date of her trial. Given that, the veracity of her pregnancy claim could be moot.

In summary, the combination of the implausibility that the author of the General History could have had access to many of the reported details of Mary’s past history, the presence of common pop culture motifs and narratives in that reported history, and the number of outright contradictions from more reliable sources point to the vast majority of the information on her that appears only in the General History being either outright invention or adaptations of existing unrelated narratives, whether based in truth or completely fictional.

With that said, let’s move on to the chapter in the General History about Anne Bonny.

Contents summary: 

The LIFE of ANNE BONNY.

AS we have been more particular in the Lives of these two Women, than those of other Pyrates, it is incumbent on us, as a faithful Historian, to begin with their Birth. Anne Bonny was born at a Town near Cork, in the Kingdom of Ireland, her Father an Attorney at Law, but Anne was not one of his legitimate Issue, which seems to cross an old Proverb, which says, that Bastards have the best Luck. Her Father was a Married Man, and his Wife having been brought to Bed, contracted an Illness in her lying in, and in order to recover her Health, she was advised to remove for Change of Air; the Place she chose, was a few Miles distance from her Dwelling, where her Husband’s Mother liv’d. Here she sojourn’d some Time, her Husband staying at Home, to follow his Affairs. The Servant-Maid, whom she left to look after the House, and attend the Family, being a handsome young Woman, was courted by a young Man of the same Town, who was a Tanner; this Tanner used to take his Opportunities, when the Family was out of the Way, of coming to pursue his Courtship; and being with the Maid one Day as she was employ’d in the Houshold Business, not having the Fear of God before his Eyes, he takes his Opportunity, when her Back was turned, of whipping three Silver Spoons into his Pocket. The Maid soon miss’d the Spoons, and knowing that no Body had been in the Room, but herself and the young Man, since she saw them last, she charged him with taking them; he very stifly denied it, upon which she grew outragious, and threatned to go to a Constable, in order to carry him before a Justice of Peace: These Menaces frighten’d him out of his Wits, well knowing he could not stand Search; wherefore he endeavoured to pacify her, by desiring her to examine the Drawers and other Places, and perhaps she might find them; in this Time he slips into another Room, where the Maid usually lay, and puts the Spoons betwixt the Sheets, and then makes his Escape by a back Door, concluding she must find them, when she went to Bed, and so next Day he might pretend he did it only to frighten her, and the Thing might be laugh’d off for a Jest.

As soon as she miss’d him, she gave over her Search, concluding he had carried them off, and went directly to the Constable, in order to have him apprehended: The young Man was informed, that a Constable had been in Search of him, but he regarded it but little, not doubting but all would be well next Day. Three or four Days passed, and still he was told, the Constable was upon the Hunt for him, this made him lye concealed, he could not comprehend the Meaning of it, he imagined no less, than that the Maid had a Mind to convert the Spoons to her own Use, and put the Robbery upon him.

It happened, at this Time, that the Mistress being perfectly recovered of her late Indisposition, was return’d Home, in Company with her Mother-in-Law; the first News she heard, was of the Loss of the Spoons, with the Manner how; the Maid telling her, at the same Time, that the young Man was run away. The young Fellow had Intelligence of the Mistress’s Arrival, and considering with himself, that he could never appear again in his Business, unless this Matter was got over, and she being a good natured Woman, he took a Resolution of going directly to her, and of telling her the whole Story, only with this Difference, that he did it for a Jest.

The Mistress could scarce believe it, however, she went directly to the Maid’s Room, and turning down the Bed Cloaths, there, to her great Surprize, found the three Spoons; upon this she desired the young Man to go Home and mind his Business, for he should have no Trouble about it.

The Mistress could not imagine the Meaning of this, she never had found the Maid guilty of any pilfering, and therefore it could not enter her Head, that she designed to steal the Spoons her self; upon the whole, she concluded the Maid had not been in her Bed, from the Time the Spoons were miss’d, she grew immediately jealous upon it, and suspected, that the Maid supplied her Place with her Husband, during her Absence, and this was the Reason why the Spoons were no sooner found.

She call’d to Mind several Actions of Kindness, her Husband had shewed the Maid, Things that pass’d unheeded by, when they happened, but now she had got that Tormentor, Jealousy, in her Head, amounted to Proofs of their Intimacy; another Circumstance which strengthen’d the whole, was, that tho’ her Husband knew she was to come Home that Day, and had had no Communication with her in four Months, which was before her last Lying in, yet he took an Opportunity of going out of Town that Morning, upon some slight Pretence: —All these Things put together, confirm’d her in her Jealousy.

As Women seldom forgive Injuries of this Kind, she thought of discharging her Revenge upon the Maid: In order to this, she leaves the Spoons where she found them, and orders the Maid to put clean Sheets upon the Bed, telling her, she intended to lye there herself that Night, because her Mother in Law was to lye in her Bed, and that she (the Maid) must lye in another Part of the House; the Maid in making the Bed, was surprized with the Sight of the Spoons, but there were very good Reasons, why it was not proper for her to tell where she found them, therefore she takes them up, puts them in her Trunk, intending to leave them in some Place, where they might be found by chance.

The Mistress, that every Thing might look to be done without Design, lies that Night in the Maid’s Bed, little dreaming of what an Adventure it would produce: After she had been a Bed some Time, thinking on what had pass’d, for Jealousy kept her awake, she heard some Body enter the Room; at first she apprehended it to be Thieves, and was so fright’ned, she had not Courage enough to call out; but when she heard these Words, Mary, are you awake? She knew it to be her Husband’s Voice; then her Fright was over, yet she made no Answer, least he should find her out, if she spoke, therefore she resolved to counterfeit Sleep, and take what followed.

The Husband came to Bed, and that Night play’d the vigorous Lover; but one Thing spoil’d the Diversion on the Wife’s Side, which was, the Reflection that it was not design’d for her; however she was very passive, and bore it like a Christian. Early before Day, she stole out of Bed, leaving him asleep, and went to her Mother in Law, telling her what had passed, not forgetting how he had used her, as taking her for the Maid; the Husband also stole out, not thinking it convenient to be catch’d in that Room; in the mean Time, the Revenge of the Mistress was strongly against the Maid, and without considering, that to her she ow’d the Diversion of the Night before, and that one good Turn should deserve another; she sent for a Constable, and charged her with stealing the Spoons: The Maid’s Trunk was broke open, and the Spoons found, upon which she was carried before a Justice of Peace, and by him committed to Goal.

The Husband loiter’d about till twelve a Clock at Noon, then comes Home, pretended he was just come to Town; as soon as he heard what had passed, in Relation to the Maid, he fell into a great Passion with his Wife; this set the Thing into a greater Flame, the Mother takes the Wife’s Part against her own Son, insomuch that the Quarrel increasing, the Mother and Wife took Horse immediately, and went back to the Mother’s House, and the Husband and Wife never bedded together after.

The Maid lay a long Time in the Prison, it being near half a Year to the Assizes; but before it happened, it was discovered she was with Child; when she was arraign’d at the Bar, she was discharged for want of Evidence; the Wife’s Conscience touch’d her, and as she did not believe the Maid Guilty of any Theft, except that of Love, she did not appear against her; soon after her Acquittal, she was delivered of a Girl.

But what alarm’d the Husband most, was, that it was discovered the Wife was with Child also, he taking it for granted, he had had no Intimacy with her, since her last lying in, grew jealous of her, in his Turn, and made this a Handle to justify himself, for his Usage of her, pretending now he had suspected her long, but that here was Proof; she was delivered of Twins, a Boy and a Girl.

The Mother fell ill, sent to her Son to reconcile him to his Wife, but he would not hearken to it; therefore she made a Will, leaving all she had in the Hands of certain Trustees, for the Use of the Wife and two Children lately born, and died a few Days after.

This was an ugly Turn upon him, his greatest Dependence being upon his Mother; however, his Wife was kinder to him than he deserved, for she made him a yearly Allowance out of what was left, tho’ they continued to live separate: It lasted near five Years; at this Time having a great Affection for the Girl he had by his Maid, he had a Mind to take it Home, to live with him; but as all the Town knew it to be a Girl, the better to disguise the Matter from them, as well as from his Wife, he had it put into Breeches, as a Boy, pretending it was a Relation’s Child he was to breed up to be his Clerk.

The Wife heard he had a little Boy at Home he was very fond of, but as she did not know any Relation of his that had such a Child, she employ’d a Friend to enquire further into it; this Person by talking with the Child, found it to be a Girl, discovered that the Servant-Maid was its Mother, and that the Husband still kept up his Correspondence with her.

Upon this Intelligence, the Wife being unwilling that her Children’s Money should go towards the Maintenance of Bastards, stopped the Allowance: The Husband enraged, in a kind of Revenge, takes the Maid home, and lives with her publickly, to the great Scandal of his Neighbours; but he soon found the bad Effect of it, for by Degrees lost his Practice, so that he saw plainly he could not live there, therefore he thought of removing, and turning what Effects he had into ready Money; he goes to Cork, and there with his Maid and Daughter embarques for Carolina.

At first he followed the Practice of the Law in that Province, but afterwards fell into Merchandize, which proved more successful to him, for he gained by it sufficient to purchase a considerable Plantation: His Maid, who passed for his Wife, happened to dye, after which his Daughter, our Anne Bonny, now grown up, kept his House.

She was of a fierce and couragious Temper, wherefore, when she lay under Condemnation, several Stories were reported of her, much to her Disadvantage, as that she had kill’d an English Servant-Maid once in her Passion with a Case-Knife, while she look’d after her Father’s House; but upon further Enquiry, I found this Story to be groundless: It was certain she was so robust, that once, when a young Fellow would have lain with her, against her Will, she beat him so, that he lay ill of it a considerable Time.

While she lived with her Father, she was look’d upon as one that would be a good Fortune, wherefore it was thought her Father expected a good Match for her; but she spoilt all, for without his Consent, she marries a young Fellow, who belonged to the Sea, and was not worth a Groat; which provoked her Father to such a Degree, that he turned her out of Doors, upon which the young Fellow, who married her, finding himself disappointed in his Expectation, shipped himself and Wife, for the Island of Providence, expecting Employment there.

Here she became acquainted with Rackam the Pyrate, who making Courtship to her, soon found Means of withdrawing her Affections from her Husband, so that she consented to elope from him, and go to Sea with Rackam in Men’s Cloaths: She was as good as her Word, and after she had been at Sea some Time, she proved with Child, and beginning to grow big, Rackam landed her on the Island of Cuba; and recommending her there to some Friends of his, they took Care of her, till she was brought to Bed: When she was up and well again, he sent for her to bear him Company.

The King’s Proclamation being out, for pardoning of Pyrates, he took the Benefit of it, and surrendered; afterwards being sent upon the privateering Account, he returned to his old Trade, as has been already hinted in the Story of Mary Read. In all these Expeditions, Anne Bonny bore him Company, and when any Business was to be done in their Way, no Body was more forward or couragious than she, and particularly when they were taken; she and Mary Read, with one more, were all the Persons that durst keep the Deck, as has been before hinted.

Her Father was known to a great many Gentlemen, Planters of Jamaica, who had dealt with him, and among whom he had a good Reputation; and some of them, who had been in Carolina, remember’d to have seen her in his House; wherefore they were inclined to shew her Favour, but the Action of leaving her Husband was an ugly Circumstance against her. The Day that Rackam was executed, by special Favour, he was admitted to see her; but all the Comfort she gave him, was, that she was sorry to see him there, but if he had fought like a Man, he need not have been hang’d like a Dog.

She was continued in Prison, to the Time of her lying in, and afterwards reprieved from Time to Time; but what is become of her since, we cannot tell; only this we know, that she was not executed.

Contents summary: 

As done for Mary Read, here’s a highly speculative timeline structured around key events in the General History narrative, though there are fewer anchor points to specific dates. (Both women’s narratives make reference to things like the King’s Pardon, but in ways that don’t align well with the known timelines.) I’ve included some details from the 2nd edition which elaborate on events but don’t add substantial changes to the timeline. Many of the dates are vague estimates based on trying to coordinate descriptions in the General History to documented historic events. As before, I’ve converted years to the Gregorian system to avoid confusion for current readers.

  • Vague estimate early 1703?: Anne is born in Ireland. Calculated based on an estimated date and age for her marriage.
  • Vague estimate 1708: About 5 years after Anne is born, her father brings her into his household disguised as a boy to avoid acknowledging her.
  • Vague estimate 1710?: Anne’s father moves to Carolina with her and her mother. (Scots-Irish emigration to the colonies had begun in earnest a couple years earlier, so this date would be plausible.) Her father practices law, then turns merchant, then buys a plantation. (Quite the meteoric career!)
  • Vague estimate 1715?: Anne’s mother dies and she begins keeping house for her father.
  • Vague estimate early 1718?: Anne marries James Bonny and leaves Carolina for the Bahamas. If Anne was “very young” when she met Rackham, maybe a year later, then we might estimate that Anne is around 16 at this time, a not implausible age for marriage in that context.
  • November 24, 1718: Rackham is first mentioned as part of Captain Vane’s crew. This presumably marks a date when he had not yet encountered Anne.
  • Late 1719: Rackham returns to Bahama with a couple of captured ships.
  • May 1719: Rackham and crew go to Providence to take advantage of the General Pardon. (As the King’s Pardon deadline was the previous autumn, either it was extended or this event is fictitious. Rackham’s bio indicates the pardon happens before meeting Anne, but Anne’s bio indicates the pardon happens after her pregnancy.)
  • Shortly after May 1719: Anne’s husband James Bonny was one of Rackham’s pardoned crew. She meets Rackham. Rackham’s bio says Anne is “very young” at this time. (No James Bonny is in evidence in any of the trial records, but as the formal records only begin late in 1720 he could have quit the profession before that.) Rackham courts her and she agrees to go to sea with him wearing male clothing.
  • Date unclear: At some point after this is the erotic encounter with Mary Read who has also joined the crew, but the sequence can’t be pinned down.
  • Approximately February 1720: “After some time” Anne becomes pregnant and is left in the care of friends in Cuba. She has the child then rejoins Rackham. In Rackham’s bio it says he spends “a considerable time” in Cuba where he “kept a little kind of a family.” If Anne became pregnant almost immediately after taking up with Rackham, then the earliest date of the birth would be around this time.
  • Date unclear: Rackham joins a privateer ship to attack the Spanish to gain money to support Anne. Then he returns to Providence and lives there with Anne, but the chronology of various events around this is unclear.
  • Date unclear: Rackham and Anne leave Providence due to official disapproval of Anne’s loose morals. They seize a sloop belonging to John Haman to return to piracy. (Note: the trial records make no mention of a John Haman and this appears to be well earlier than the documented attacks in the trial records.)
  • Late July 1720: The earliest hypothetical date that Anne could have become pregnant if she was, indeed, pregnant during her trial but had not yet given birth. (The claimed pregnancy could easily have been fictitious.)
  • August 1720: Rackham returns to piracy after spending time ashore.
  • September 1, 1720 (from the trial record): Anne agrees to turn pirate with Rackham. (This need not be in conflict with the General History’s much earlier date of her piratical career if it’s simply an arbitrary date used by the court.)
  • September-October 1720 (from the trial record): Various acts of piracy by the Rackham crew, culminating in their capture in late October.
  • November 28, 1720 (from the trial record): Anne Bonny is tried for piracy.

As with the “origin story” for Mary Read, the elaborate soap-opera narrative around Anne’s birth not only includes details that would only be known to the participants, but reports of the secret actions and interior states of mind of people who were dead by the time of Anne’s trial for piracy. The narrative about Anne’s mother, the stolen spoons, the bed-switching shenanigans, and the consequences involving inheritance take up three times more space than the part of the narrative about Anne’s piracy career. As with Mary’s origin story, it’s exactly the sort of sexual farce that was popular on stage and in novels at the time.

When we ask “how could Johnson hypothetically have learned this story, if we assume it was true?” we need to consider it in parts. The wife (who is never named—in fact the only name other than Anne’s mentioned in this part of the narrative is that of Anne’s mother Mary, which is given in quoted speech) had access to her own beliefs about what happened, to what the servant’s (Anne’s mother’s) suitor reported to her about his little “joke” with the spoons, and was presumably the sole person who knew about her anonymous tryst with her own husband, by which he suspected her of adultery. (She could hypothetically have explained it to her mother-in-law, but if so, then why wouldn’t that knowledge have been used to leverage a reconciliation? And then the mother-in-law died, so she wasn’t a possible reporter at a later date.) The wife disappears from the story when Anne’s father leaves for Carolina. In order to be Johnson’s information source, he would have needed to track her down. As no specific details of the names or town are recorded, this possibility seems tenuous. (Was “Bonny” Anne’s married name or maiden name? If the former, that would add another layer of difficulty in tracking down her antecedents.)

Anne’s mother (the servant) died after the move to Carolina, and would have known the details of her own actions around the theft of the spoons. Did she relate those details to Anne’s father? Or to Anne herself? Possibly, although, once more, the detail about the wife using the servant’s bed the night of the anonymous tryst would have changed the circumstances if made known to the father, and that was something the servant did know. But any conduit for the servant’s knowledge would necessarily lead through another person.

Could Johnson have tracked down Anne’s father in Carolina and interviewed him for details? The narrative claims “Her Father was known to a great many Gentlemen, Planters of Jamaica, who had dealt with him, and among whom he had a good Reputation; and some of them, who had been in Carolina, remember’d to have seen her in his House; wherefore they were inclined to shew her Favour, but the Action of leaving her Husband was an ugly Circumstance against her.” If we accept this as true, then an informant in Jamaica could potentially have tracked down the father.

Let’s talk about Anne’s father for a bit. In Carolina he’s said to have practiced law and then become a merchant and owner of a “considerable plantation” who had dealings with “a great many gentlemen, planters of Jamaica.” This would seem to make him a man of considerable social standing who presumably would be mentioned in any number of records in Carolina. Those who have researched the question (as quoted in her Wikipedia entry) have found no trace of any man who fits this description.

Could Anne herself have been the informant for the parts of her narrative that either she experienced directly or that might have been communicated to her by her mother or father? We can’t entirely exclude this possibility, as her ultimate fate is not known to be recorded. The General History concludes her narrative with “She was continued in Prison, to the Time of her lying in, and afterwards reprieved from Time to Time; but what is become of her since, we cannot tell; only this we know, that she was not executed.” If she had been a direct informant, would this not have been mentioned, given that other intermediate sources of information are cited in other biographies in the General History? A direct interview with the condemned pirate would surely have been a newsworthy boast!

The details of Anne’s initial marriage, her subsequent relationship with Rackham, her reported pregnancy during that period (with no subsequent mention of the fate of the child), and her demeanor as a pirate are all sketched very briefly. Nor is the supposed erotic encounter with Mary Read mentioned at all in Anne’s part of the narrative, though there is a reference to other details “already hinted in the Story of Mary Read.”

Taken all together, we once again have a narrative that looks like a cobbling together of either existing fictional narratives or ones invented in the style of popular farce, with a bare smattering tying it in to the facts of the trial documents at the end.

This completes the analysis of the material belonging to the single volume of the first edition of the General History. Further information in the following section continues to raise questions of how and from whom the new information was sourced, if one treats it as factual.

Contents summary: 

The Second Edition Material

The appendix to the second edition is described as follows on the title page. Note that there was very little time between the presumed date of the first edition and the date when this additional material was published. It’s possible that this was information that had been solicited earlier but not received in time. But at least one account in the 2nd edition specifically indicates that the initial publication and planned second volume was what inspired the informant to come forward, suggesting an incredibly compressed timeline for this alleged process.

“An APPENDIX, which compleats the Lives of the first Volume, corrects some Mistakes; and contains the Tryal and Execution of the Pyrates at Providence; under Governor Rogers; with some other necessary Insertions, which did not come to Hand till after the Publication of the first Volume, and which makes up what was defective. Collected from Journals of Pyrates, brought away by a Person who was taken by, and forc’d to live with them 12 Years; and from those of Commanders, who had fallen into their Hands, some of whom have permitted their Names to be made use of, as a Proof of the Veracity of what we have published. The Whole instructive and entertaining.”

Here Johnson seems quite concerned with offering the documentary basis for his information. The sections that are presented as journals and accounts often have a preface where the purported author is writing to “Captain Johnson” stating that they’ve heard that he plans a second volume and therefore they are making bold to send him additional material to include.

The following bolded items in the table of contents relate to Bonny and Read in what appears to be a miscellaneous section that adds details to the biographies of individuals already covered previously. This section is not attributed to any specific contributor.

  • Rackham and Vane part, 281.
  • Rackham’s Ship taken, he and his Crew escape ashore, 283.
  • Rackham gets to Providence, and is allowed the Benefit of the King’s Pardon, 284.
  • Anne Bonny proposes to her Husband his selling her to Rackham, 286.
  • Rackham seizes a Sloop, 287.
  • He forces some of Turnley’s Men, 289
  • Governor Rogers his Sloops seized, 292
  • Turnley, &c. maroon’d, 294
  • Their Hardships, 295 to 303
  • The Pyrates catch a Tartar, 303
  • They are all taken, the forced Men sent to Providence, 304
  • Governor Rogers sends to fetch the maroon’d Men, 305
  • The Pyrates who escaped on Shore intrap’d by Governor Rogers 306 to 308.
  • Rounsival’s Generosity, 309.

The relevant part of the narrative starts when Rackham, who has been quartermaster on Vane’s ship takes charge of a newly acquired vessel as captain. The two then had a falling out and went separate ways. In volume 1 this is dated to late November 1718. Rackham and his crew decided to take advantage of Rogers’ pardon offer, but the negotiations fell through (possibly related to the fact that the original deadline for taking the King’s Pardon was September 5, 1718) and Rackham’s ship was seized with the crew escaping on shore. There had been two women on board who had been kidnapped in a previous interaction (which, the text notes, was against usual practice), but they were left on board when the pirates fled. (With this new information, we can eliminate the kidnapped women from our attempts to sort out the various numbers given for Rackham’s crew when later captured.) After being picked up by Vane, Rackham and his crew again determined to go to Providence to take advantage of the pardon, which was accomplished in May 1719. It was shortly after this that Rackham is said to have first encountered Anne Bonny, and here we begin quoting from the original text.

# # #

But Rackam, as Captain, having a much larger Share than any of the rest, his Money held out a little longer; but happening about this Time to come acquainted with Anne Bonny, that made him very extravagant. Anne Bonny, as has been taken Notice of in the first Volume, was married to James Bonny, one of the pardoned Pyrates, a likely young Fellow, and of a sober Life, considering he had been a Pyrate; but Anne, who was very young, soon turned a Libertine upon his Hands, so that he once surpriz’d her lying in a Hammock with another Man. Rackam made his Addresses to her till his Money was all spent; but as he found there was no carrying on an Amour with empty Pockets, he ingaged himself with Captain Burghess, lately a Pyrate, but pardoned, who had received a Commission to privateer upon the Spaniards. This Cruize proved successful; they took several Prizes, amongst the rest, two of considerable Value, one loaded with Cocoa Nut, and another with Sugar. They brought them into Providence, and found Purchasers amongst the Factors, who came from other Places for that Purpose. The Dividend was considerable, and as soon as possible disposed of: Burghess sailed out in Quest of new Purchase; but Rackam, who had nothing but Anne Bonny in his Head, staid behind to spend his Money, and enjoy his Mistress.

Rackam lived in all Manner of Luxury, spending his Money liberally upon Anne Bonny, who was so taken with his Generosity, that she had the Assurance to propose to her Husband to quit him, in order to cohabit with John Rackam; and that Rackam should give him a Sum of Money, in Consideration he should resign her to the said Rackam by a Writing in Form, and she even spoke to some Persons to witness the said Writing.

The Story made some Noise, so that the Governor hearing of it, sent for her and one Anne Fulworth, who came with her from Carolina, and pass’d for her Mother, and was privy to all her loose Behaviour, and examining them both upon it, and finding they could not deny it, he threaten’d if they proceeded further in it, to commit them both to Prison, and order them to be whipp’d, and that Rackam, himself, should be their Executioner.

These Menaces made her promise to be very good, to live with her Husband, and to keep loose Company no more; but all this was Dissimulation, for Rackam and she consulting together, and finding they could not by fair Means enjoy each other’s Company with Freedom, resolved to run away together, and enjoy it in Spight of all the World.

To this Purpose they plotted together to seize a Sloop which then lay in the Harbour, and Rackam drew some brisk young Fellows into the Conspiracy; they were of the Number of the Pyrates lately pardoned, and who, he knew, were weary of working on Shore, and long’d to be again at their old Trade.

The Sloop they made choice of was betwixt thirty and forty Tun, and one of the swiftest Sailors that ever was built of that Kind; she belong’d to one John Haman, who lived upon a little Island not far from Providence, which was inhabited by no humane Creature except himself and his Family, (for he had a Wife and Children) his Livelihood and constant Employment was to plunder and pillage the Spaniards, whose Sloops and Launces he had often surprized about Cuba and Hispaniola, and sometimes brought off a considerable Booty, always escaping by a good Pair of Heels, insomuch that it become a Bye-Word to say, There goes John Haman, catch him if you can. His Business to Providence now was to bring his Family there, in order to live and settle, being weary, perhaps, of living in that Solitude, or else apprehensive if any of the Spaniards should discover his Habitation, they might land, and be revenged of him for all his Pranks.

Anne Bonny was observed to go several times on Board this Sloop; she pretended to have some Business with John Haman, therefore she always went when he was on Shore, for her true Errand was to discover how many Hands were aboard, and what kind of Watch they kept, and to know the Passages and Ways of the Vessel.

She discovered as much as was necessary; she found there were but two Hands on Board; that John Haman lay on Shore every Night: She inquired of them, Whether they watch’d? Where they lay? And ask’d many other Questions; to all which they readily answered her, as thinking she had no Design but common Curiosity.

She acquainted Rackam with every Particular, who resolved to lose no Time, and therefore, acquainting his Associates, who were eight in Number, they appointed an Hour for meeting at Night, which was at twelve o’Clock. They were all true to the Roguery, and Anne Bonny was as punctual as the most resolute, and being all well armed, they took a Boat and rowed to the Sloop, which was very near the Shore.

The Night seemed to favour the Attempt, for it was both dark and rainy. As soon as they got on Board, Anne Bonny, having a drawn Sword in one Hand and a Pistol in the other, attended by one of the Men, went strait to the Cabin where the two Fellows lay who belonged to the Sloop; the Noise waked them, which she observing, swore, that if they pretended to resist, or make a Noise, she would blow out their Brains, (that was the Term she used.)

In the mean Time Rackam and the rest were busy heaving in the Cables, one of which they soon got up, and, for Expedition sake, they slipped the other, and so drove down the Harbour: They passed pretty near the Fort, which hailed them, as did also the Guardship, asking them where they were going; they answered, their Cable had parted, and that they had nothing but a Grappling on Board, which would not hold them. Immediately after which they put out a small Sail, just to give them steerage Way. When they came to the Harbour’s Mouth, and thought they could not be seen by any of the Ships, because of the Darkness of the Night, they hoisted all the Sail they had, and stood to Sea; then calling up the two Men, they asked them if they would be of their Party; but finding them not inclined, they gave them a Boat to row themselves ashore, ordering them to give their Service to Haman, and to tell him, they would send him his Sloop again when they had done with it.

Rackam and Anne Bonny, both bore a great Spleen to one Richard Turnley, whom Anne had ask’d to be a Witness to the Writing, which James Bonny, her Husband, was to give to Rackam, by which she was to be resigned to him; Turnley refused his Hand upon that Occasion, and was the Person who acquainted the Governor with the Story, for which they vowed Revenge against him. He was gone from Providence a turtling before they made their Escape, and they knowing what Island he was upon, made to the Place. They saw the Sloop about a League from the Shore a fishing, and went aboard with six Hands; but Turnley, with his Boy, by good Luck, happened to be ashore salting some wild Hogs they killed the Day before; they inquired for him, and hearing where he was, rowed ashore in Search of him.

Turnley from the Land saw the Sloop boarded, and observed the Men afterwards making for the Shore, and being apprehensive of Pyrates, which are very common in those Parts, he, with his Boy, fled into a neighbouring Wood. The Surf was very great, so that they could not bring the Boat to Shore; they waded up to the Arm-Pits, and Turnley, peeping through the Trees, saw them bring Arms on Shore: Upon the whole, not liking their Appearance, he, with his Boy, lay snug in the Bushes.

When they had looked about and could not see him, they hollow’d, and call’d him by his Name; but he not appearing, they thought it Time lost to look for him in such a Wilderness, and therefore they returned to their Boat, but rowed again back to the Sloop, and took away the Sails, and several other Things. They also carried away with them three of the Hands, viz. Richard Connor the Mate, John Davis, and John Howel, but rejected David Soward the fourth Hand, tho’ he had been an old experienced Pyrate, because he was lame, and disabled by a Wound he had formerly received.

When they had done thus much, they cut down the Main-Mast, and towing the Vessel into deep Water, sunk her, having first put David Soward into a Boat to shift for himself; he made Shift to get ashore, and after some Time, having found out Turnley, he told him, that Rackam and Mary Stead [Note: “Mary Stead” is clearly an error for Anne Bonny, but is what the original text has.] were determined, if they could have found him, to have whipp’d him to Death, as he heard them vow with many bitter Oaths and Imprecations; for whipping was the Punishment the Governor had threatened her with by his Information. From thence they stretch’d over to the Bury Islands, plundering all the Sloops they met, and strengthening their Company with several additional Hands, and so went on till they were taken and executed at Port Royal, as has been told in the first Volume.

# # #

There are no other references to Rackham, Bonny, or Read.

One major thing these additions do is to thoroughly undermine the idea that Bonny’s sex was unknown to the pirate community she moved in. She is openly living with Rackham as his lover, after what is claimed to be a notorious incident where she convinces him to “buy” her from her husband. She becomes pregnant with his child, and yet this must all be in the same timeframe as the supposed “plausibly deniable” sapphic encounter with Mary Read. To reiterate, based on the few specific dates given in the text, the following events must be compressed into the 16 months between May 1719 and September 1720, though it’s impossible to determine the exact sequence.

  • Rackham meets Anne while she is married to former pirate James Bonny and begins courting her.
  • Anne arranges for Rackham to “buy” her from her husband. One of the requested witnesses to this, Richard Turnley, reports the events to the Governor.
  • The Governor (Rogers?) condemns Anne’s loose morals and orders her to be whipped.
  • To avoid these consequences, Rackham and Anne steal a sloop belonging to John Haman.
  • Anne goes to sea with Rackham wearing men’s clothes.
  • Anne and Rackham go on a revenge quest against Turnley and destroy his boat but fail to achieve their goal of punishing him.
  • Mary joins Rackham’s crew, also in male disguise.
  • Anne makes a pass at the disguised Mary and they mutually reveal their sex.
  • Anne becomes pregnant with Rackham’s child, is left with friends in Cuba to bear the child, then rejoins Rackham.
  • Rackham takes the King’s Pardon, but after trying his hand at privateering returns to piracy.
  • Mary is attracted to one of the pirates, reveals herself to him, and they become lovers. She fights a duel on his behalf and becomes pregnant by him.

Other than trying to assemble a timeline that would account for all the reported events, there’s nothing new to comment on with regard to the plausibility of the General History account. The additional information entirely concerns the period when Anne is part of Rackham’s crew, therefore it doesn’t raise any new questions about information transmission or the lack of corroborating information in more reliable records. There is still the question of who was left alive to report the level of detail that is recorded. Some of the events involved people not involved in the piracy trials, but other details did not.

 If Anne had a previous encounter with the law over her unruly sexual behavior, one might expect that to be brought up during her trial, but one could counter-argue that the trial was concerned specifically with piracy and had sufficient evidence to condemn her on that point, therefore there was no reason to bring in any prior record. There is an implication that the complaint and threat didn’t rise to the level of a formal legal action (that would leave a record), but in that case there would need to have been someone relaying the information to Johnson.

Neither of the described attacks on Haman or Turnley appear anywhere in the official trial report, but as noted previously, the trials appear to be concerned entirely with events in the September-October 1720 timeframe, therefore the absence of these two needn’t be meaningful.

So overall this material adds nothing to the previous analysis beyond additional contradictions to the logic of the narrative.

Conclusions

The point of this presentation of documents and analysis is two-fold: to lay out the basic case of distrusting the veracity of any information about Anne Bonny and Mary Read found only in the General History, and to point out the cultural context for the elements introduced by the General History. The “sapphic encounter” is almost the least of these. It is presented as a humorous mistaken identity scenario, experienced entirely through a heterosexual lens—consistent with similar pop culture narratives found in literature, ballads, and stage drama. While passing women stories were popular during this era—both authentic and fictionalized—the assertion in the General History that Anne and Mary successfully concealed their sex is consistently undermined by other information in the publication, and is completely contradicted by the evidence given in their trial. And yet, the motif of “lesbian Anne Bonny and Mary Read” seems to be the story that will not die.

Bibliography

(Anonymous). 1721. The Tryals of Captain John Rackam, and Other Pirates. Jamaica; Robert Baldwin. (https://archive.org/details/the-tryals-of-captain-john-rackham)

Dekker, Rudolf M. and van de Pol, Lotte C. 1989. The Tradition of Female Transvestism in Early Modern Europe. Macmillan, London. ISBN 0-333-41253-2 (For LHMP blog, see: https://alpennia.com/lhmp/publication/4358)

Donoghue, Emma. 1995. Passions Between Women: British Lesbian Culture 1668-1801. Harper Perennial, New York. ISBN 0-06-017261-4 (For LHMP blog, see: https://alpennia.com/lhmp/publication/4359)

Dugaw, Dianne. 1989. Warrior Women and Popular Balladry 1650-1850. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago. ISBN 0-226-16916-2 (For LHMP blog, see: https://alpennia.com/lhmp/publication/4361)

Johnson, Charles (pseudonym). 1724. A General History of the Pyrates: from their first rise and settlement in the Island of Providence, to the present time. With the remarkable actions and adventures of the two female pyrates Mary Read and Anne Bonny ... To which is added. A short abstract of the statute and civil law, in relation to pyracy. London: T. Warner. (https://archive.org/details/generalhistoryof00defo, accessed 2025/07/09]

Klein, Ula Lukszo. 2021. “Busty Buccaneers and Sapphic Swashbucklers” in Transatlantic Women Travelers, 1688-1843 edited by Misty Kreuger. Lewisburg PA: Bucknell University Press. (For LHMP blog, see: https://alpennia.com/lhmp/publication/6788)

Molenaar, Jillian. (Website accessed 2025/07/09) Depictions of John Rackam, Anne Bonny, and Mary Read. (https://jillianmolenaar.home.blog/)

Walen, Denise A. 2005. Constructions of Female Homoeroticism in Early Modern Drama. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-6875-3 (For LHMP blog, see: https://alpennia.com/lhmp/publication/4373)

 

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